Inflaming the Middle East conflict
AFTER MUCH delay, US president George W Bush outlined his
‘vision’ for Israel/Palestine in a speech at the White House on Monday 24 June.
Bush claimed he wanted to see ‘two states, living side by side, in peace and
security’. He then fully endorsed the Israeli state’s brutal oppression and
military aggression against the Palestinian people.
In a provocation to every Palestinian, all Arab people, and
everyone fighting imperialist intervention and interference, Bush called for the
removal of Palestinian leaders and, by clear implication, Yasser Arafat. In
fact, he made this a precondition for future negotiations: "Peace requires a new
and different Palestinian leadership, so that a Palestinian state can be born. I
call on the Palestinian people to elect new leaders, leaders not compromised by
terror… And when the Palestinian people have new leaders, new institutions and
new security arrangements with their neighbours, the United States of America
will support the creation of a Palestinian state… And the United States will not
support the establishment of a Palestinian state until its leaders engage in a
sustained fight against the terrorists and dismantle their infrastructure".
Bush, who rigged his own election victory, then instructed
the Palestinians on the nature of the state they had to build: "True reform will
require entirely new political and economic institutions based on democracy,
market economics and action against terrorism".
The US president blamed the Palestinians for their plight:
"The current situation offers no prospect that life will improve. Israeli
citizens will continue to be victimised by terrorists, and so Israel will
continue to defend herself, and the situation of the Palestinian people will
grow more and more miserable".
This speech was a blatant attack on Palestinian rights and
national aspirations. It has also opened up a rift between Western powers, with
even the British government distancing itself from the demand to oust Arafat.
European Union leaders and Kofi Annan, secretary general of the United Nations,
rejected Bush’s policy. The leaders of the Arab states have been shaken, fearing
outpourings of support for the Palestinians which could undermine their own
positions.
Most commentators recognised it as a recipe for further
conflict. Joseph Alpher, an Israeli analyst, commented: "So we are stuck where
we are, which means more of the same, which means the situation will get worse:
creeping Israeli occupation, expanding settlements and continued terrorism".
Incredibly, Arafat’s initial response was to welcome Bush’s speech as ‘a serious
effort to push the peace process forward’. Ahmed Abdel Rahman, Palestinian
cabinet secretary, commented: "It is the first time an American administration
has recognised that the only solution is to end the occupation and to have a
state to live in peace beside Israel – this is a historic change in the American
stand". The assessment of colonel Munir Makdah, an official of Arafat’s Fatah
faction, was blunter: "Bush was speaking on behalf of Sharon". (The Guardian, 25
June)
Contrary to Arafat and Rahman’s delusory comments, any
demands on the Israeli state were couched in conditions which make them
meaningless. For example, Bush said that the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) should
withdraw from the West Bank "as we make progress toward security", which allows
for indefinite occupation. Jewish settlement activity must end, but this should
be "consistent with the recommendations of the Mitchell report", which allows
for indefinite stalling on the part of the Israeli state.
The Palestinian masses have long ago abandoned hope that
US-brokered negotiations could bring about a solution. Bush reinforced this
view: "As new Palestinian institutions and new leaders emerge, demonstrating
real performance on security and reform, I expect Israel to respond and work
toward a final-status agreement". Therefore, the Israeli ruling class sits in
judgement on whether or not there will be a Palestinian state.
This is a green light to Sharon and the right-wing forces in
Israel for the intensified military assaults against the Palestinian people.
Already, before the speech, the IDF had reoccupied areas of the West Bank they
had only withdrawn from in April after Operation Defensive Shield, its tanks
driving over the rubble they left behind only weeks before. Up to a million
Palestinians are confined to their homes under IDF curfew in the West Bank’s
biggest cities – Jenin, Nablus, Bethlehem, Tulkarim, Qalqiliya, Ramallah and
Hebron. In Jenin two children and a teacher were killed by machine gun fire as
they were buying bread. Much of the Palestinian Authority’s infrastructure,
including electricity and water supplies, has been destroyed.
An official statement issued by Sharon’s office read:
"Israel will respond to every act of terror by seizing Palestinian Authority
territory, which will be held by Israel as long as the terror continues.
Additional acts of terror will lead to the seizure of additional territory". (Ha’aretzdaily.com,
21 June) Sharon told the Knesset (Israeli parliament) that the IDF would carry
out "a massive incursion into the cities, remaining there indefinitely".
The new operation, codenamed ‘Determined Path’, was
retribution for the killing of 36 Israelis in the previous week – the highest
Jewish death toll since the start of the second Palestinian intifada 21 months
ago. A 22-year-old Palestinian student detonated an explosive belt packed with
ball bearings on a bus in Jerusalem, killing 19 people and injuring many more. A
young unemployed Palestinian killed seven Israelis at a crowded bus stop in
Jerusalem. There were attacks on Jewish settlements.
Eighty IDF tanks swept into Ramallah, encircling Arafat’s
headquarters already wrecked during the previous occupation of the city. This
was after Arafat had called for an end to the suicide bombings against Israeli
civilians. Sheik Ahmed Yassin and other leaders of Hamas (the Islamic Resistance
Movement) were put under house arrest by the Palestinian Authority in the Gaza
Strip.
The IDF used helicopter gunships in an assassination attack
targeting four members of Hamas. Two other Palestinians died. Immediately
following Bush’s speech, the Palestinian Authority’s security headquarters in
Hebron was raided. Four policemen, including a senior intelligence officer, were
killed.
The conflict is escalating rapidly and is in danger of
spiralling out of control. Peter Beaumont, reporting from Ramallah, commented
that the "latest Israeli attacks, coming so soon after Mr Arafat risked moving
against Hamas, seemed an almost wilful provocation to the militant Palestinian
factions – in particular Hamas – to ignore Mr Arafat’s orders and reply with
renewed attacks. Against widespread popular support for suicide bombings – some
two thirds of Palestinians back them – and opposition to arresting members of
the militant factions running at over 80% - many felt Mr Arafat was taking a
substantial personal risk in ordering the move against Hamas". (The Guardian, 25
June)
Sharon’s offensive has been given a boost by Bush’s remarks.
But his hard-line policies have failed completely. They have, in fact, added to
the insecurity felt by Israeli Jews. They have radicalised the Palestinian
people. As of 25 June, there have been 119 suicide attacks during the second
intifada. Over that time, more than 1,400 Palestinians have been killed by the
IDF. Assassinations, blockades, curfews, mass arrests and torture, the
demolition of homes, and the destruction of the Palestinian infrastructure have
failed to stop the attacks.
Some commentators believe that the Israeli state is
deliberately provoking the attacks to justify a full-scale attack on the
Palestinian Authority and the driving out of Israeli Palestinians from Israel.
Salch Abdel Jawad, a professor of political science at Bir Zeit University,
said: "Since the beginning of the present intifada, Israeli society has
systematically aimed to provoke suicide bomb attacks… The failure of
Palestinians, both in the leadership and among the population at large, to grasp
the danger of suicide bomb attacks results from their failure to understand
Ariel Sharon’s aims following the end of the Oslo process and the destruction of
the Palestinian Authority. He wants to destroy Palestinian civil society and
thus move closer to a second expulsion of Palestinians". (Guardian Weekly, 20-26
June)
Alex Fishman, an Israeli commentator writing in the
mass-circulation daily, Yedioth Ahronoth, concurs that this is Sharon’s
strategic aim: "The prime minister’s political thinking – doing away with Oslo
and doing away with the Palestinian Authority – is in the final stages of
realisation". (International Herald Tribune, 24 June)
The Israeli state has embarked on the construction of a
fence running roughly along the Green Line marking the pre-1967 border, before
Israel seized the West Bank from Jordan in the Six-Day war. The fence will be up
to 20-foot high in places and around 160 miles long, complete with razor wire,
ditches, searchlights, electronic sensors and roads for army patrols. It will
take around a year to complete, at an estimated cost of £1 million a mile. The
stated aim is to prevent Palestinian suicide bombers from launching attacks
against Israeli targets. The authorities in Jerusalem are planning their own
fence around the city.
Mainstream Jewish opinion seems supportive of the scheme in
the desperate hope that it might offer some protection. Opinion is divided,
however. Sharon and his Likud party (which opposes the creation of a Palestinian
state) are lukewarm on the issue. They are supported by Israeli hardliners who
claim the right to occupy the biblical land of Israel stretching from the
Mediterranean to the River Jordan. They fear the fence could become a de facto
border and that it will isolate the 200,000 Jewish settlers who find themselves
on the ‘wrong side’.
Few people believe the Israeli government’s claim that it
will be a temporary installation. Critics cite the Berlin Wall, which was a
‘temporary’ barbed wire barricade to stop defectors to the West in 1961. Within
a matter of months these were reinforced with concrete slab walls, which
remained in place until the collapse of the Stalinist regime 28 years later.
The Peace Now movement has hailed the project as a move
towards a full Israeli pullout from the occupied territories. But it will lead
to the ‘transfer’ – a euphemism for physically driving out – of tens of
thousands of Palestinians who eke out a living where the fence is constructed.
It will become a target for Palestinian resistance. Indeed, workers on the fence
have already been attacked by gunmen at Salem.
It will add to the severe economic problems faced by
Palestinians. Although they are not permitted to cross the Green Line into
Israel, many do. "I leave the house at 4am each day and walk for two hours to
find work in Israel", Husni Dupas, a 32-year-old labourer from Beit Ur, told the
Sunday Telegraph. "What will happen to me and my family if they build that
fence? How will I earn money? The Palestinian Authority does nothing for me".
(23 June)
Some Palestinians argue, as the settlers do, that the
erection of the fence marks a tacit recognition of the 1967 borders. "Husam
Khader, a leader in Arafat’s Fatah movement, said that the fence could change
the pattern of the intifada by concentrating Palestinian attacks on settlers and
soldiers on the West Bank rather than suicide missions within Israel. He
believed that this would erode Israeli public support for the Right and
eventually result in the creation of a Palestinian state". (Sunday Telegraph, 23
June)
The continuing human tragedy in Israel/Palestine is an
indictment of the Israeli capitalist ruling class. And it exposes the lack of
any viable alternative put forward by the Palestinian leadership.
Even on the day after the Israeli cabinet agreed to launch
Operation Determined Path, Shimon Peres, the foreign minister, and Benjamin
Bel-Eliezer, the defence minister, claimed that they did not lend their support
to the reoccupation of West Bank cities and pushed for a rewording of the
statement. But these differences are not principled. They reflect the short-term
interests of politicians who put their own self-interest above the people they
claim to represent. At every stage it is the working class and poor – both
Palestinian and Israeli Jew – who suffer. Uzi Benziman, a commentator in the
Ha’aretz newspaper, wrote: "[Sharon] sought to demonstrate leadership and
project an air of resolve and forcefulness… Two days ago, there was talk in
political circles that Sharon acted as he did because he already has his eye on
the next elections and wishes to be seen as outflanking rival Benjamin Netanyahu
on the right.
"Ben-Eliezer is not above suspicion either: His conduct this
week is being interpreted in political corridors as largely guided by his
ongoing contest with Haim Ramon for the Labour Party leadership. This would help
explain his newly passionate support for the construction of the security fence
as well as his public disavowal of the prime minister’s statement concerning the
new response policy". (Ha’aretzdaily.com, 21 June)
The people of Israel/Palestine are facing a further
escalation of violence, deep economic recession and social upheaval, egged on by
George W Bush and the US ruling class. Time and time again, these ‘leaders’ have
shown that they are the problem, not the solution. The tragedy is set to
continue unless and until the workers and poor of the region take independent
mass action. This difficult task requires a socialist programme which can unite
them around the struggle for decent living standards and conditions for all.
Only a socialist approach to the question of national self-determination can
resolve the national, religious and ethnic differences in the region.
Manny Thain
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