Netherlands new right-wing government
FOLLOWING THE general election in May a new government has
been formed. Its proposed policies are clearly on the right and are a
continuation of the previous ‘purple’ coalitions between conservative
parties and the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA). The economic prospects are bad and
co-operation between the coalition partners will be sorely tested.
The opportunist populist formation, Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF),
will add to the coalition’s instability. The economic problems are one cause,
but the personnel and political problems within LPF are another, following the
assassination of Fortuyn during the election campaign. The position of the LPF’s
parliamentary leader is now vacant after Mat Herben stepped down following
continuous criticism from the membership. He was reproached for having given
away too much during the negotiations to form the coalition and that his conduct
in parliament was insufficiently aggressive. The LPF also seems to be finding it
impossible to set up a party structure, having had problems organising a
congress and electing an executive.
After the government was formed it was revealed that
Philomena Bijlhout, a new LPF minister, had previously been a member of a people’s
militia that supported the Surinam dictator, Désiré Bouterse, who is
responsible for the killing of several political opponents. Another leading
member of the LPF tried to settle a dispute over hospital treatment through
connections with a ‘friendly’ minister. The minister for health, Eduard
Bomhoff (ex-PvdA), tried to fire a top civil servant in an embarrassing incident
for the government.
Looking for candidates for ministerial posts, the LPF has
attracted a number of ex-VVD (Party for Freedom and Democracy, a rightwing
liberal party), CDA (Christian-Democratic Appeal) and PvdA members, which raises
a question over its capacity for ‘renewal’.
Undoubtedly, LPF will use the murder trial against Volkert
van der Graaf – an environmental and animal rights activist – as a decoy for
its own failures and to attack the left. Vice-chair Ferry Hoogendijk has already
criticised the judge who is handling the case for political prejudice.
Nonetheless, there is no indication that the series of
blunders is about to end. The discredited nature of establishment politics was
one of the key issues in the LPF election campaign. Soon after its election,
however, dishonesty, nepotism and curtailing party democracy all came to the
surface within the LPF itself. Its support has since halved in the polls. And
the VVD has begun to catch up, which will make the coalition even more unstable.
In the elections, people mainly voted against the purple
coalition. The result showed the extent of discontentment rather than enthusiasm
for Fortuyn – however lyrically some may have expressed the loss of their
political messiah. Even the enthusiasm for the political thoughts of Fortuyn is
fading quickly, if the lack of interest in his reburial can be taken as a
measure.
The coalition cabinet, headed by Jan Peter Balkenende of the
CDA, will not increase expenditure on health, education and public safety,
although all the parties promised this during the elections. It has been made
harder for the chronically ill and people with disabilities to qualify for
benefits, which adds to the great difficulties they face in finding jobs and
their general poverty. Subsided jobs, mainly in education, healthcare and public
safety (many people are employed to patrol shopping areas and estates, etc) will
be cut. Students must pay more tuition fees.
Changes in healthcare insurance have widened the gap between
rich and poor. The general premium for healthcare, which will be the same for
everybody, benefits the rich. Subsidised saving, whereby workers could save
money from their wages without tax penalties, will disappear. This system, which
allowed workers to withdraw the money after several years, was a relatively
advantageous way of saving. Thousands of jobs in the public sector will also be
axed.
Another subject in the election campaign was the ‘integration’
of ethnic minorities: the questions of inner-city ghettos and language education
problems. Aspects of forced integration will now be put forward. A language
course will be obligatory with fines imposed on those who fail to complete it.
It will be more difficult to marry somebody from out of the country, and there
will be fewer positive initiatives, such as mixed education and housing. Asylum
rights will be further restricted.
The economy is in recession and, because of the amount of
stock market gambling by pension funds, higher premiums are on the way for
employees. The economic setback will cause the government to cut its budget even
more than the proposed €7 billion (£4.5bn) – it will look for another €3.5
billion.
The main question is, of course, whether there will be the
development of a mass resistance to the government’s policies. There is every
reason for that to materialise. Under the heading, ‘Turn the Tide’, a large
number of organisations that had been active in the anti-globalisation movement
have united to organise activities and lead the resistance. The Socialist Party
(which includes members of Offensief – the Netherlands CWI section) is also
involved. On the basis of a very weak and general text they are trying to unite
many organisations, including the PvdA – even though it was responsible for
similar measures when it was in power.
While raising the need for a more militant programme,
Offensief has put its name to the declaration. If the movement develops, the
dynamics of protest will make it very difficult for the PvdA to control it. It
is essential that the trade unions participate in the protests against the
government’s plans. And the first cautious steps in that direction are
visible.
Ron Blom
Offensief – CWI Netherlands
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