An absorbing new book looks at the changing patterns of women’s work
in Britain since the industrial revolution. With Covid-19 potentially marking a
new pivotal moment in the history of women’s employment, it could not have been
published at a more opportune moment, writes CHRISTINE THOMAS.
Double Lives: a history of working motherhood
By Helen McCarthy
Published by Bloomsbury, 2020, £21
There is hardly any aspect of society that has not been seriously impacted
by the coronavirus pandemic. One of its main consequences has been to magnify
and exacerbate all of the existing inequalities in capitalist society. The
interplay of class and race, for example, has influenced who catches the virus,
its severity, and how likely people are to die from it. The same factors
determine who suffers from the economic fallout.
interaction between class and gender inequalities has also been highlighted and
intensified. While it’s true that men with coronavirus are more likely to
become seriously ill or die, women – working-class women in particular – are
more likely to work in areas where there is a greater exposure to Covid-19. They
have been 30% more likely to be furloughed, 47% more likely to have lost their
jobs, and 50% more likely to have had their hours cut.
The 2020 TUC congress takes place at perhaps the most critical time
facing workers since the second world war, meeting six months after the Covid-19
pandemic forced the UK into lockdown. The recessionary features that were
already visible by the start of the year have been transformed into the deepest
economic downturn since the 2008 great recession and possibly the 1930s. Workers’
lives and livelihoods are on the line.
The TUC congress
has been stripped down because of coronavirus restrictions but union activists
and reps will be looking for it to give a lead in the face of this crisis. The
slogan for the conference is ‘Jobs, Security, Dignity’. But this totally
understates the scale of the emergency and, unfortunately, the vast majority of
motions are inadequate in mapping what is necessary to both protect the health
of workers and their families and secure an economic future.
After four years of disastrous, corporate, racist
policies, Joe Biden and the Democratic Party are running in November’s
elections against Trump – and not much else. They are not promising to fight
for crucial improvements in our living standards like free healthcare for all.
They hope to win by being the ‘lesser evil’.
Americans are continually bombarded by the idea that the only way to defeat Donald Trump and the Republicans is to ‘vote blue no matter who’ (blue is the Democratic Party’s colour). But has this ever actually worked? After the repression and right-wing policies of the Republican presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, did the Democratic president Jimmy Carter champion the working class? No, in fact he maintained the capitalist status quo by deregulating major industries, busting unions, and facilitating huge wage cuts, paving the way for the openly right-wing policies of Ronald Reagan. After the ‘trickle-down economics’ policies of Reagan that ushered in the modern era of neo-liberalism – in which basic social services were cut to death and tax breaks for the rich were handed out like candy – did Bill Clinton, with Democratic control of the legislature and the presidency, reverse these anti-worker policies? Not even close. He and his fellow Democrats slashed welfare spending along with the then senator Joe Biden and his fellow Democrats authoring the 1994 Crime Bill, a major leap into the disproportionate mass incarceration of black and brown workers.
July’s EU coronavirus rescue deal was hailed as a qualitative step
forward for European integration but, argues HANNAH SELL, has not overcome the
fundamental contradictions of the bosses’ club – which the workers’ movement
must respond to with socialist internationalism.
For a large part of the previous decade the European Union (EU) has
teetered on the edge of disaster. Globally the last world economic crisis that
began in 2007-2008 led to the authority of capitalist elites being severely
undermined. For the EU, and particularly the Eurozone, it was an existential
weaker economies of the Eurozone, Greece but also Portugal, Spain and Cyprus, were
facing bankruptcy, unable to service government debt. The institutions of the
EU and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – ‘the troika’ – demanded vicious
anti-working class austerity as a precondition for those countries receiving
so-called ‘bailouts’. This was against the background of an already calamitous
fall in living standards. As general strikes swept the continent – with upwards
of 30 in Greece alone – and the Greek anti-austerity party Syriza was
victorious in the 2015 general election, the existence of the Eurozone hung by
a thread. Thanks to the capitulation of the Syriza government to the demands of
the troika, however, the Eurozone survived at the expense of the living standards
publishers Pluto Press have released a new book looking back at the defeat of
Margaret Thatcher’s poll tax. Unfortunately it fails in presenting the real historic
significance of the anti-poll tax movement – led by Militant, the Socialist
Party’s predecessor organisation. CLIVE HEEMSKERK writes.
Can’t Pay, Won’t Pay: The Fight to Stop the Poll Tax
By Simon Hannah
Published by Pluto Press, 2020, £16-99
battle against the poll tax in the late 1980s and early 1990s is one of the
greatest episodes of working class struggle. Mass non-payment of the tax, with
around a third of the entire adult population facing some form of legal action against
them over a four year period, laid the basis for an organised movement to make it
unenforceable. With Tory party splits also developing over the European Union, Margaret
Thatcher, the international standard-bearer of brutal neo-liberal capitalism, re-elected
with a 102-seat majority in June 1987, was forced to resign 41 months later in
November 1990. The anti-poll tax resistance was, as Simon Hannah says in the
preface to his new book, “the last mass movement in Britain [to date!] that
helped bring down a Tory prime minister”.
Across Europe the past year has seen a
mini Green surge. In Austria, Ireland, Germany, France and elsewhere they have
jumped up in support, joining coalitions with pro-capitalist establishment
parties in many cases, either at a regional or national level. This
follows the explosion of protests across the globe in
recent years, sparked by anger at the destruction of the environment and
calling for system change. Could Green parties – whose defining feature is
environmentalism – provide an alternative that is capable of living up to the
desires of those wanting real change?
In June the Green Party in Ireland entered government with Fianna Fáil (FF) and Fine Gael (FG), the two traditional parties of the
capitalist class. The Greens increased their vote in both the 2019 council elections
and the general election in February, quadrupling their members of parliament
from three to 12.
Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance & British Dissent
By Priyamvada Gopal
Published by Verso, 2020 (pbk), £14-99
Reviewed by Brent Kennedy
The main points of Priyamvada Gopal’s book are that the colonial
peoples repeatedly revolted against their exploitation and were themselves the
agents of their own liberation; that they received solidarity from various
quarters in Britain; and both learnt from it. It’s an answer to right wing
academics like Niall Ferguson who repeat the old excuses for the British empire:
that it was benevolent, civilising and prepared ‘backward peoples’ for the gift
of independence when they were deemed ready for it.
Stolen: How to save the world from financialisation
By Grace Blakeley
Published by Repeater Books, 2019, £10-99
Reviewed by Paul Kershaw
For a long time it has been easier to imagine the end of the world
than the end of capitalism, according to Grace Blakely’s best seller. But, as
she shows, capitalism has not always existed and “the technological, economic,
and political preconditions for the establishment of socialist societies exist
today in ways that they never have in history”.
current period is marked by huge capitalist monopolies, often several times the
size of nation states, that organise themselves based on top down planning.
Technological development means that unparalleled data is now produced about
needs and production to inform planning. Currently this is used by a tiny elite
for profit but why not plan production for people with democratic control?
Malcolm X famously said, ‘you can’t have capitalism without
racism’. Assessing the new upsurge in the #Black Lives Matter movement, HANNAH
SELL argues that fighting racism does mean a fight to replace capitalism with a
new society, socialism.
The brutal police murder of George Floyd has ignited a massive #Black
Lives Matter movement, first in the US and now globally. This is not the first
global wave of demonstrations in recent years – #BLM first spread worldwide in
2014, as did the women’s marches after Trump’s election. We have also seen a
huge global wave of protests on climate change.
current movement, however, has important characteristics that mark it out as
being on a different level than what came before. It has a broader reach. The
Washington Post, for example, reports that there have been far more
demonstrations in the US than the previously unprecedented 650 women’s marches
that took place in 2016. In addition to the big cities, protests have taken
place in even the smallest towns, including in places in the south with recent
histories of white supremacist activity.
The following article
was first published in 1994 in the August-September edition, No.58, of Militant
International Review, the predecessor magazine of Socialism Today. The author
was ANDREA ENISUOH, who in 1989 had become the first black woman elected to the
National Union of Students national executive committee – as a proud Militant
supporter. Andrea sadly died in February this year, at the far too early age of
The early 1990s have
seen the issue of race and nationality to the fore in both political and social
life. The last few years have been marked by the growth of racism, the
re-emergence of fascist parties on a Europe-wide scale, and the development of
Equally significant, however, has been the development
of a fightback against racism and fascism. Many young people in particular,
repulsed by increasing racial attacks and murders, are joining the anti-fascist
Yet while the far-right have provided some focus for
anti-racist activity they remain a small factor in the development of racism in
society. The racist sentiments that the fascists and far-right have been able
to play on have to varying extents already existed in many white communities.
Far more than any of their more overtly anti-working class policies it is
racist rhetoric that has provided them with a platform. While not being the
direct cause of racism in society they have used the growth of racism to their