Vestas occupation: fighting for the future
THE OCCUPATION of the Vestas wind turbine factory in
Newport, Isle of Wight, hit the front pages and television news in
Britain and worldwide. On Monday 20 July, 25 workers began an occupation
that lasted 18 days. In this short time, a non-unionised workforce
brought government ministers and an intransigent company to the
negotiating table to hammer out the factory’s future.
The loss of 450 jobs in Newport, and 150 in
Southampton, was a huge blow, especially to the Isle of Wight where
unemployment is the highest in the country. The mood for action was also
fuelled by anger at a profitable company throwing hundreds of workers
onto the dole when the New Labour government had made a commitment to
wind energy and creating 400,000 green jobs. Though the occupation has
ended, the campaign to save jobs at Vestas and secure a future for wind
turbine manufacturing on the island continues to grow, building support
across the trade union movement and wider communities. Pressure is
piling on the government and all parties to address the issues of rising
unemployment and renewable energy in the run-up to the general election.
In July, with just a few weeks of production left,
hopes were low among a small group of Vestas workers who wanted to fight
back. But, from a small meeting in a pub in Newport with local activists
including members of Portsmouth Socialist Party, plans were born and the
occupation took shape.
Talking to any workers from Vestas you can hear what
working for this multinational company was like. Virulently anti-union,
it operated a regime of bullying management, with many workers dismissed
without notice and workers always looking out for work elsewhere. Health
and safety was disregarded and on one occasion the company was fined for
negligence resulting in health problems for a group of workers. The
political hand of Vestas was revealed in its participation in a bid to
set up a school academy. No doubt its compassion for children on the
island has been put to question by the decision to sack their parents
first.
Without prior organisation and trade union
recognition, preparations were made to organise the occupation on the
issue of redundancy pay, which was pitiful in most cases, and with the
aim of developing a campaign to save jobs and the future of the factory.
As a campaign support meeting in Portsmouth was taking place, news came
through that the occupation had started. Led by local reps of the Rail,
Maritime and Transport union (RMT), activists headed straight to the
island to begin building support for the occupation.
The following day, other Vestas workers began
gathering at the factory in solidarity. A committee was initiated to
link the workers in the occupation to the picket outside. On the
Wednesday evening the first mass rally took place, followed by further
rallies of hundreds of workers, their families and supporters. In no
time, a tented village sprang up on the roundabout outside the factory,
with activists camped out in support.
So began a stand-off between the occupation and
picket and the Vestas management. Day by day management issued threats
that were defiantly faced down by the occupation, to cheers from the
pickets outside. Like a game of poker, the workers won each hand and
confidence grew. The resolve of Vestas workers was bolstered by visits
from Unison, FBU, CWU, PCS and POA members, together with solidarity
messages from across Britain and internationally.
Undoubtedly, a key development was the intervention
of the RMT, initially through the efforts of local reps from Portsmouth
and the Isle of Wight, who gave advice and support. Decisive, however,
was the arrival of RMT general secretary Bob Crow on Thursday,
coinciding with the issuing of the court summons to the occupation.
Some Vestas workers had previously joined Unite, but
there was no presence on the picket line from Unite reps. The official
backing of a national trade union, the RMT, lifted the struggle to
another level, enormously stiffening the resolve of the workers.
Mirroring the defiance of the occupation, Bob Crow pledged the support
of the RMT’s legal team to fight the court summons. The RMT’s stance
will be felt across the trade unions. Vestas RMT members will be forming
part of the union’s delegation to the TUC congress in September.
While the occupation has ended, most Vestas workers
feel that their stand is a victory in itself. Previously bullied and
unorganised, they are ten feet taller, and as determined as ever to
fight on. Many workers are appealing their redundancy payments and some
are considering court action over the company using the remaining
employees to carry out the work of sacked workers. A key issue is the
reinstatement of the eleven occupiers who were victimised and sacked.
The RMT is taking this up.
The general view emerging is that Vestas is
mothballing the factory and preparing to reopen as the European market
develops. This has further fuelled workers’ anger that they have been
thrown on the dole by a profitable company that may reopen in the near
future. Workers are struggling to find other jobs and face the nightmare
of unemployment. As recently as January, Vestas made a commitment to
invest in the future of the Newport plant. On that basis, many young
workers and their families took out mortgages and made plans that are
now in tatters.
Vestas is now facing an organised group of workers,
backed by a militant trade union and with huge support on the island and
among trade unions across Britain. Vestas reported second-quarter
profits of £67 million (The Guardian, 19 August). The government’s
commitment to green jobs and renewable energy has been exposed as cheap
talk.
If Vestas refuses to restart production and
re-employ the workforce, the RMT demand for nationalisation must be
carried through. If Vestas will not accede to this, the government
should force through a compulsory purchase order with compensation to
shareholders only on the basis of proven need. The support that has been
won in the trade union movement needs to be mobilised to full effect,
backed by a political campaign to pressure the government to act. Vestas
workers are discussing the idea of standing in the general and local
elections on the island. A victory for Vestas workers will be a victory
for all workers.
The marvellous struggle has confirmed the arguments
of the Socialist Party that, in the face of an economic crisis, workers
are forced to struggle to defend jobs and pay. We predicted that,
through struggles like those at Vestas and elsewhere, activists would
rebuild a fighting trade union movement and that a new generation of
young class fighters would come to the fore. We were always confident
that such battles would raise the consciousness of workers of their own
power and also the political need for a new workers’ party to fight for
their future. Like those at Visteon, Lindsey and Linamar, the Vestas
workers are a beacon for the future.
Nick Chaffey