Striking
back in austerity Britain
Arrogant, out-of-touch Con-Dem politicians
actually believed they had defeated trade union opposition to their
savage austerity measures after last year’s strikes. Yet a number of key
unions are poised to strike-back on 28 March – and significant
private-sector struggles continue. PETER TAAFFE writes.
"WHILE THE POLITICIANS and their advisers give the
impression of being in charge, they are not really. The financial
markets and the street: when aroused, these are our masters." (Andreas
Whittam Smith, founder of the Independent, 16 February) The pensions’
battle, which has dominated the industrial and political scene in
Britain for the last year, has now entered a decisive stage.
The Con-Dem government was triumphant at first when
it believed that it had won the battle, with the willing compliance of
right-wing trade union leaders like Dave Prentis of Unison. His union,
by far the biggest involved in the present struggle, and other smaller
unions capitulated by accepting the ‘heads of agreement’ with the
government. Yet everything that they accepted had been on the table
before the magnificent 30 November strike. The government proposed that
public-sector workers should work longer, pay more in pension
contributions and receive less in payouts. Government hatchet men,
Francis Maude and Danny Alexander, were quick to point this out.
They were already basking in the afterglow of a
major victory for their side – a new ‘Black Friday’ for the trade
unions. Christina McAnea, Unison’s head of health, seemed to concur when
she cynically admitted that the strike action was just a "damage
limitation exercise", with 30 November designed to allow workers to let
off steam.
But both the government and the sell-out trade union
leaders have reckoned without the resistance front of other unions like
PCS civil servants, NUT teachers, lecturers’ union UCU and the possible
welcome addition of the fire-fighters’ union, FBU. The latter had not
joined the 30 November strike but now, because of the employers’
intransigence, is ready to resist. A widespread consultation of workers
in these unions and others is presently underway as we go to print.
There is every likelihood that an estimated 750,000 workers will now be
prepared to strike on 28 March.
This would represent, in effect, last year’s 30 June
strike, Mark 2. In terms of the numbers involved, in a sense this is a
retreat on 30 November, because of the desertion of Unison and others.
Yet a wholesale retreat by the unions without further resistance would
have seen the worst possible outcome, a rout of the trade unions. It
would encourage David Cameron and his chancellor, George Osborne, to put
the boot into the unions and embolden them in the further attacks that
will be launched.
Endorsing economic destruction
AND THIS COMES at a time when the government has
been further weakened, economically, socially and politically. Indeed,
Osborne’s economic perspectives lie in ruins. Unemployment is at a
16-year high with female unemployment at 1.1 million, the worst in 23
years. Youth unemployment is the "highest ever on record" (Mark Serwotka,
The Guardian). Scandalously, 860,000 people have now been unemployed for
more than a year. In 2011, 300,000 claimed jobseekers’ allowance, and
this was supposed to be a ‘temporary benefit’. In reality, we now have a
permanent pool of unemployed, the product of ‘endless austerity’. The
TUC estimates that the real unemployment figure is 6.3 million if
part-time workers and those who have dropped out of looking for work
completely are included. Osborne predicted growth of 2.3% last year
which turned out to be only 0.3%!
This is even lower than in Italy, which is in such
an economic meltdown that an unelected technocratic cabal, led by the
former Goldman Sachs employee Mario Monti, rules instead of parliament.
And how does the governor of the Bank of England, Mervyn King, seek to
explain the situation? This year, he informs us, will be a ‘zigzag’ of
alternating ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ quarterly growth rates. In other
words, Britain’s capitalist economy is unstable and in the grip of
stagnation. There is no possibility of Osborne’s private sector – the
famous phoenix arising from the ashes of the public sector – rescuing
the situation. The ‘phoenix’ of a revived private manufacturing base is
now reduced to ninth position in the world manufacturing league and has
already flown to China and elsewhere, sadly never to return.
Despite all the pain and misery resulting from the
cuts already inflicted, Osborne and his government are on ‘negative
watch’ from the ratings agency Moody’s. The cherished AAA rating is in
peril because the deficit has actually grown. Why? Because the Con-Dems’
policies have severely contracted the economy and unemployment has begun
to climb. Osborne claims that this is a ringing endorsement of his
destructive deflationary programme! Moreover, the injection of a huge
£325 billion of quantitative easing by the Bank of England, while
preventing an outright slump, has done nothing to fundamentally change
the situation.
The level of national output is still 4% below where
it was at the peak of the economic cycle. Larry Elliott of the Guardian
writes: "At the current rate of progress it will take until the
hundredth anniversary of the outbreak of the first world war before
regaining the lost ground. Those seven lost years will have cost the UK
economy around £200 billion in output". Truly capitalism is a
‘progressive’ system!
Indeed, it so ‘progressive’ that it is on a strike
of capital, a refusal to invest. It is resting on a mountain of cash
locked up in the vaults of big companies in Britain and the US: an
eye-watering £120 billion in Britain and a colossal $2 trillion in the
US. Even Will Hutton in the Observer and Martin Wolf of the Financial
Times, apostles of capitalism, frantically urge them to invest. In vain!
The capitalists see no profitable outlets. The system is in the death
grip of a huge debt overhang; zombie banks in zombie capitalism!
Cold cruelty of the ruling class
BUT IT IS the working class, as always, who will be
called upon to pay the price for the crisis of capitalism – aggravated
by the ruthless policies of Osborne, a practitioner par excellence of
the cold cruelty of the British ruling class. In recent months, this has
been on full display. The vilification and scapegoating of the poor,
those compelled to exist on benefits, including the disabled, has
reached new depths.
Cameron has shamelessly presented a picture of
‘benefit scroungers’ receiving as much as £26,000 a year, while hiding
the fact that, in the very few cases where sums like this are paid out,
70-80% of the benefits are taken by rack-renting landlords. Some
disabled people, the long-term sick, are now being forced to work unpaid
for a limited amount of time or their benefits will be cut. Disabled
people have been singled out in shopping malls and elsewhere for
vilification, with some tipped out of wheelchairs by those whipped up by
the demagogic campaign of Cameron and Osborne.
The witch-hunt of the poor and defenceless is
destined to go on but will be resisted. And 94% of government cuts and
88% of benefit cuts have yet to be implemented. Already there is massive
‘social cleansing’ underway. Tens of thousands of families from
inner-city areas have been effectively expelled to the outskirts, and
there are plans for some to be ‘relocated’ from London to northern
cities like Hull and elsewhere.
Cameron appears determined to carry through the
government’s pro-business NHS ‘reforms’, despite defeats in the House of
Lords and opposition from some Liberal Democrats. Pushing through the
legislation is one thing, however, implementing changes on the ground
another. Cuts and privatisation will be resisted by the health unions’
rank-and-file and by a wider anti-cuts campaign.

A mass political voice
IT IS THESE factors which emphasise the crucial
importance of the pensions’ struggle, which will hopefully fuse with the
battle against the cuts. There has been a sharp rise in industrial
action in both the public and private sectors. More days were lost in
strike action in 2011 than any time since 1990 (1.39 million days
compared to 365,000 in 2010). Public-sector action accounted for over
90%, but days lost in the private sector doubled between 2010 and 2011,
the highest number since 1994.
The victory of the Balfour Beatty electricians is
proof, if proof were needed, of the effectiveness of leadership both
from above and below in the class battles that impend in Britain. Such
is the explosive social situation that it is inconceivable that struggle
will be off the agenda. Even if generalised national strike action does
not materialise on the pensions’ issue that will not be the end of the
matter. While not the preferred option, rearguard struggles are
inevitable by the PCS and others given the attacks which are planned by
the government. Maude has openly threatened trade union facility time
and rights gained in the past. He will be resisted ferociously, which
will probably include partial and regional strike action.
Industrial action will also be accompanied by a
political and electoral challenge from the Trade Unionist and Socialist
Coalition on 3 May – beginning with the Greater London Assembly
elections. Central is the need for a socialist answer to this
devastating crisis of capitalism. This is cynically dismissed by Martin
Kettle of The Guardian: "Socialism still has adherents, but it is a
religion, not a programme… The failure of socialism has a lot to do with
[conceptualising a plausible alternative]". (2 February) Not true,
replies former Plaid Cymru MP, Adam Price: "In December, a poll by the
Pew Research Center found support for socialism now outweighs support
for capitalism among a younger generation of Americans".
The baleful approach of Ed Miliband and New Labour
has already provoked GMB members, through resolutions to their
conference, to threaten to withhold £2 million from the Labour Party.
Unite has also booked the biggest committee room in the Houses of
Parliament for its general secretary, Lenny McCluskey, reportedly to
read the riot act to Labour MPs.
The necessity for a new party – in this case, in the
USA – is conceded by former advocate of ‘wild capitalism’, Jeffrey
Sachs. He writes in the Financial Times: "The poorer half of the
population does not interest the Washington status quo. A third
political party, occupying the vast unattended terrain of the true
centre and the left, will probably be needed to break the stranglehold
of big money on American politics and society". (14 February) Such a
third party would have to be a new mass radical party. In Britain, this
would be a new mass workers’ party.
British society is on the edge of a volcano, of
which the pensions’ struggle is just one expression. It can erupt at any
time into a mass movement which could not only shake British capitalism
but also the government itself, leading to its downfall.