Madrid and the aftermath
‘The wars are yours – the deaths are ours’, read one
placard on a demonstration in Madrid in the early hours of Sunday morning. This
summed up the mood of millions throughout Spain after the horrific bombings in
Madrid on 11 March left over 200 dead and at least 1,400 injured. TONY SAUNOIS
writes.
OVER TWELVE MILLION people turned out in memorial marches
the day after the bombings. Within a few hours, tens of thousands again took to
the streets in spontaneous demonstrations all over the country. The sombre mood
had changed to anger and bitterness directed at José María Aznar’s government
and his party, Partido Popular (PP). These events, and the defeat of the PP in
the election on 14 March, triggered a political earthquake with tremendous
repercussions throughout Europe, the US and internationally.
Aznar’s right-wing conservative PP attempted to manipulate
the bombings for its own electoral advantage. By withholding information and
putting blame on the Basque nationalist paramilitary organisation, ETA, it hoped
to avoid blame being heaped on the government for Aznar’s enthusiastic support
for the invasion of Iraq.
We have actively opposed the imperialist wars against Iraq,
Afghanistan and other countries, which have caused the slaughter of tens of
thousands. We also condemn the bombings in Madrid. Such methods only cause
further suffering to working people and do not challenge ‘leaders’ like Aznar,
or the capitalist system which is responsible for the suffering faced by the
peoples of the world. Socialists have nothing in common with reactionary,
right-wing groups like al-Qa’ida.
By blaming ETA, the PP also hoped to justify its ‘hard-line’
policy in resisting increasing demands for greater autonomy in the Basque
Country, Catalonia and other regions. Aznar was assisted by the United Nations
Security Council which agreed to his request to condemn ETA for the bombings.
Resolution 15, adopted a few hours after the attack, condemned "in the strongest
terms the bomb attacks in Madrid, Spain, perpetrated by the terrorist group
ETA…" The working people and youth of Spain, however, were not prepared to be
duped by the government’s attempted manipulation.
Huge backlash
THE PP’S ATTEMPT to cover up provoked a massive backlash.
Demonstrators poured onto the streets and marched on the party offices of the PP
as it became clearer that al-Qa’ida was probably responsible. Abdu Dujan
al-Afghani, al-Qa’ida’s military spokesperson in Europe, has since claimed
responsibility.
As a result, a political upheaval has taken place in Spain.
Aznar’s is the first government that enthusiastically supported the war against
Iraq to be brought down. The defeat of the PP now haunts Tony Blair, George Bush
and the Australian Prime Minister, John Howard. They are all pondering whether
they will face the same fate. The pro-war camp in Britain has reacted by arguing
that the Spanish people have succumbed to terrorism. Bronwen Maddox, the foreign
editor of The Times, writes that it seems "disingenuous to say, as some opposed
to the war have done enthusiastically, that the shock of the result on Sunday
night was a victory for democracy". (The Times, 16 March).
There is an international campaign by the ‘neo-cons’ around
Bush, Blair and Howard to discredit Spain’s election results, accusing the
Spanish people of encouraging terrorism. The leader of the Republicans in the US
House of Representatives, Dennis Hastert, accused the Spanish people of
‘appeasing terrorism’. In reality, the majority of people in Spain made clear
that they both oppose the war and terrorist attacks.
The Spanish daily, El País, showed a better understanding of
the situation from the standpoint of Spanish capitalism. In an editorial (15
March), it argued that "democracy had been strengthened". It understands that if
the PP had stolen the election and then the truth had come out, the authority of
capitalist institutions and parties would have been massively undermined. There
would have been the prospect of major social mobilisations against a PP election
fraud. Better, it calculates, to rock the parliamentary cradle to the ‘left’ and
hope the anger of people is channelled through a change of government.
New Labourised PSOE
BEFORE THE BOMBINGS, the PP and most commentators were
taking it for granted that it would be returned to power, probably with a
reduced majority. This was despite a massive general strike in June 2002, and
mass protests against the PP government’s inept handling of the Prestige oil
spill. And it would have been in spite of increasing bitterness by the Basque
and Catalan peoples towards the government’s opposition to their demands for
greater autonomy and democratic national rights. Aznar’s appointed successor,
Mariano Rajoy, seemed set for victory.
The PP was bolstered by Spain’s economic growth. Moreover,
PSOE (Spanish Workers’ Socialist Party), which was ‘New Labourised’ by Felipe
Gonazales before Britain’s New Labour, was not seen as an alternative by many
workers and young people. The party remained scarred by its time in government,
when there was a series of corruption scandals, attacks against workers and the
setting up of GAL, a legal ‘hit squad’ to assassinate ETA activists. It was seen
as a pro-capitalist party, part of the establishment. The Communist
Party-dominated Izquierda Unida (IU – United Left party) also failed to offer an
alternative and joined coalitions with PSOE at local level, implementing cuts. A
low turnout was expected in the general elections.
All this was overridden, however, by the mass rage which
swelled up against the government after the bombings. The much higher turnout of
over 77% can largely be attributed to the anti-war youth turning out to drive
the PP from office. The PP’s share of the vote fell from 44.52% in 2000 to
37.08%, with the loss of over 690,000 votes. PSOE increased its share from
34.16% to 42.64%, winning 10,909,687 votes – its biggest ever absolute number of
votes. Most of the increase in PSOE’s vote came from young voters – two million
voting for the first time. IU saw its vote fall from 5.96% to 4.96%, and its
number of MPs from nine to five. IU has suffered a decline in each election
since 1996.
El País gave credit to the new PSOE Prime Minister, José
Zapatero, and proclaimed that he had defeated Rajoy. In reality, it was Spanish
workers and youth who drove the PP from office.
Rage against the PP
THE BRUTAL BOMBINGS particularly hit working-class people
and young people. The most number of dead were on a double-decker train in the
working-class suburb of El Pozo. It was here that clandestine trade unions began
to be organised under General Franco’s dictatorship. Large numbers of economic
migrant workers from Latin America and Eastern Europe live in this area. Many
trade union activists, students and workers died. Of the 201 killed over 40 were
foreigners, including economic migrants from Central and Latin America.
Many of the victims had undoubtedly marched against the Iraq
war – 92% of Spain’s population opposed it. Messages left at Atocha Central
station, another scene of bombing, bear this out: "I leave this to be the voice
of those we lost yesterday", one read. "We will not forget because I have also
died a little. Tomorrow I will vote with you against the parties who supported
the war and violence". (El País, 15 March) Another read: "The reply of Iraq and
Afghanistan is here". And: "Yesterday, no to war; Today no to terrorism.
Tomorrow – what? Enough!!"
The PP provoked such anger because it tried to exploit the
bombings for its own advantage. In doing so, it unleashed all of the stored-up
resentment against the government. The PP’s actions also reawakened bitter and
fearful memories of the Franco dictatorship.
During the bombing crisis, the state television channel,
Televisión Espanola, showed Disney’s Lion King, and science fiction films. News
services were blanked out. Documentaries were broadcast about an ETA
assassination of a PSOE official. One voter said: "They are keeping things from
us. It’s like a nightmare from an American film". (El País, 15 March)
The journalist unions have now protested at the manipulation
of the media by the PP. Unions at the Spanish press agency, EFE, have accused
the employers of ‘manipulation, censorship and propaganda’ on behalf of the
out-going government. Journalists at EFE have since revealed that within a few
hours of the bombings information was received which questioned ETA’s
involvement. It was not broadcast.
The fear of many regarding the actions of the government was
undoubtedly fuelled by the past association of sections of the PP with Franco.
The government’s attempted cover-up recalled state manipulation and distortions
organised under the Franco dictatorship. Indeed, Aznar was a former member of
the FES (Student Union Front) – the youth wing of the fascist ‘Falange’.
On polling day, at his local polling station, Rajoy, the new
PP leader, was faced with a group of protesters chanting, ‘You are fascists; you
are the real terrorists’.
The biggest swings against the PP were in the Basque Country
and Catalonia. The PP government reacted to Basque and Catalan demands for
greater autonomy and independence by refusing even to negotiate with the
nationalist parties. The Esquerra Republican de Catalunya (ERC – Left Republican
Party of Catalunya) has been the target of a PP campaign because it held talks
with ETA. Later, it was revealed that the PP had known in advance about these
talks, but only denounced them afterwards. The ERC made significant gains in the
elections.
In the Basque Country, the PP government refused to
negotiate with the capitalist nationalist Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), which
is demanding greater autonomy. The Basque nationalist party, Herri Batasuna,
which won 20% of the vote in 1999, was banned because of its links with ETA. The
party was then re-launched as Batasuna, which was also banned.
Repercussions
THE PP DEFEAT has already had international repercussions.
The election of Zapatero has complicated the situation facing Bush and Blair and
will help strengthen opposition to them in both Britain and the US. Zapatero has
been compelled to reflect the anti-war mood at home and denounced the war on
Iraq and the occupation as ‘disastrous’. He has threatened to withdraw Spanish
forces from Iraq if power is not transferred to the UN and the ‘Iraqi people’ by
the end of June. Spain’s military presence in Iraq is minimal, but withdrawal
would strengthen the opposition to the occupation. It could also put more
pressure on other countries, like Poland or even Italy, to follow suit. Blair,
Bush and Howard will all feel increasing pressure following these developments.
The announcement of Zapatero of the possible withdrawal of troops from Iraq has
also provoked a response from US Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry.
Revealing his real role and that of the Democratic Party, Kerry criticised
Zapatero, arguing that this will weaken the fight against terrorism.
Aznar’s defeat will also affect inter-state relations in the
European Union. Spain may now be more likely to compromise on its EU voting
strength, allying itself more closely with France and Germany.
Within Spain, it is possible that Zapatero will begin
negotiations with the nationalist parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia.
Whether they will be able to reach an agreement is problematical. On a
capitalist basis they will not be able to satisfy the demands and aspirations of
the peoples in these areas.
Such policy changes, however, would not represent an attempt
to challenge capitalism by PSOE. Neither would they be an attempt to introduce
reforms in favour of the working class and the poor. PSOE and its leaders wholly
embrace capitalism. Their aim would be to try and manage the interests of
capitalism better than the ultra-conservative Aznar who, like Blair, adopted a
subservient attitude towards US imperialism. Although the new PSOE government
may attempt some cosmetic measures, such as strengthening the legal rights of
temporary contract workers, it will undoubtedly move to attack the working class
and implement more neo-liberal policies. Zapatero was elected leader of PSOE as
the standard bearer of the right-wing, pro-capitalist ‘Nueva Via’ (New Way)
grouping, the Spanish version of Blair’s ‘third way’.
The day after the election, the new finance minister, Miguel
Sebastián (formerly of BBVA, Spain’s second-largest bank), assured international
investors that the new government would be "rigorous and orthodox" on economic
policy. He promised a budget following "an orthodox economic programme based on
budgetary stability, further liberalisation and a big overhaul of the tax
system… We will be a market friendly government". IU announced that it will be a
loyal supporter of the new government, signalling that it will not offer any
alternative to the ‘market-friendly’ administration.
Spanish workers and youth undoubtedly see the PP’s defeat as
a big victory. The new government’s early economic statements, however, are a
warning. Zapatero will move to implement policies defending the interests of
capitalism. Further privatisations are planned, along with other attacks against
the working class. PSOE was defeated in the 1996 general election after years of
pro-capitalist, anti-working class policies. Sebastián’s assurances to financial
markets indicate that Zapatero’s government will take the same road. The task
facing workers and socialists is to build a genuine socialist alternative to the
existing pro-capitalist parties.
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