Mexico’s stolen election
THE TURMOIL which has shaken Mexico since
presidential elections were held on 2 July has continued. By the
narrowest of margins the right-wing candidate of PAN (Partido Accion
Nacional), Felipe Calderón, has claimed victory. Yet his ‘victory’ was
the product of widescale electoral fraud which has provoked a massive
wave of protest led by the radical populist candidate of the PRD (Partido
Revolucionario Democratico), Andrés Manuel López Obrador, popularly
known as ‘Amlo’. Over a million have participated in one protest against
this stolen election. Thousands have joined in the massive encampments
which have blocked Mexico City’s main thoroughfares around the giant
Zócalo square.
After weeks of protest a new, more radical turn is
developing in the PRD leadership reflecting the bitter anger of the
masses who supported Amlo. ‘If there is no solution there will be
revolution’, is one of the most common chants taken up by PRD supporters
in the mass action.
The scale of the fraud and the consequences it will
have in Mexico has provoked alarm by important sections of the
capitalist class internationally. (Although this stands in marked
contrast with the bellicose support of PAN by George Bush and the White
House.) While there is little coverage of these developments – compared
with Ukraine’s ‘orange revolution’ – behind the scenes alarm bells have
been ringing.
Should Calderón assume the presidency on 1 December
as timetabled his government will have no legitimacy. It is certain to
come into collision with a new wave of struggles which began to unfold
by miners, teachers, hospital workers and others in the run up to the
election.
At the same time, the Mexican ruling class also
fears, with equal reason, that should Amlo be accepted as president it
will be the green light for workers, peasants and youth to move into
action and demand massive reforms and concessions from the ruling class.
Despite his radical populist attacks on the rich, corruption and US
imperialism he has also pledged that he is willing to work with big
business and will only take measures against the corrupt. Yet a PRD-led
government with a radical populist policy would also have international
repercussions and come into conflict with US imperialism. One of the
central demands in the election was to renegotiate the FTAA trade
agreement with the USA.
Above all, however, both the Mexican ruling class
and US imperialism fear that a PRD led government would open the
floodgates to demands and struggles by the masses. A measure of the
developing mass movement is in the state of Oaxaca, where a massive
strike movement of firstly teachers and now health workers, which has
been taking place for over a month, is demanding the resignation of the
state governor. A state-wide popular uprising is underway.
The mass pressure has compelled the electoral
commission, TEPJP, to agree to a partial recount – not the full recount
demanded by the opposition. In hundreds of ballot boxes more votes were
counted than the numbers registered to vote! The TEPJP has to give its
final verdict by 6 September.
In the light of the mass pressure, Amlo has been
compelled to move in a more radical direction. He has now spoken of
building a ‘permanent opposition’ and threatened mass protests at every
event attended by Calderón: "Now begins a new period in Mexico… with the
sovereign power of the people we will undertake the changes and
transformations that this country needs". A further mass rally has been
called for 16 September, the traditional day of official marches by the
military to celebrate Mexico’s independence.
Already, a major clash with the police has taken
place in Mexico City as the government attempted to repress some of the
encampments set up by the PRD and its supporters. A major confrontation
could easily still develop if Calderón is sworn in as president.
At the same time, the more radical turn of Amlo is
provoking some divisions in the radical capitalist and nationalist PRD.
Some more middle-class elements are fearful things could get out of
control and want a more moderate stance which, in reality, means
accepting that the stolen election result stands.
However, the more radical declarations by Amlo are
not enough to beat this fraud. He has spoken of a campaign lasting years
to fight the result. The mobilisations already undertaken, although
welcome, need to go much further with a clear strategy. Democratically
elected committees need to be formed in all workplaces, universities and
workers’ districts. These need to be linked up on a district, city-wide,
state and national level. The massive protests which have already taken
place indicate the potential strength of the movement. A date should be
set not only for a national demonstration but for a general strike to
defeat this fraud.
This should be linked to steps by the masses
involved in this movement to begin to build a real party for the workers
and peasants, and all those exploited by capitalism who wish to fight to
overthrow capitalism and establish a workers’ and peasants’ government
with a revolutionary socialist programme.
However this election battle is resolved in the
short term, a new chapter has opened in the struggle of the Mexican
masses. A new phase of struggle in Mexico, on the border with US
imperialism, is certain to have major repercussions in the USA, as well
as the rest of Latin America. It is unfolding as Bush faces a crash in
his support at home and with the massive mobilisation of Latino workers
in the US demanding their rights.
These developments in Mexico represent a further
upsurge of the struggle against neo-liberalism that is taking place
throughout the continent. This poses the need for a revolutionary
socialist programme, party and organisation to overthrow capitalism and
establish a democratic socialist federation of Latin America.
Tony Saunois
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