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Sowing the seeds of inequality
On the Origins of Gender Roles: Women and the Plough
By Alberto Alesina, Paolo Giuliano and Nathan Nunn
Institute for the Study of Labor, 2011
Reviewed by Claire Laker-Mansfield
MEN
ARE from Mars, women from Venus. We are simply hardwired differently.
Women are naturally caring and emotional, best suited to bearing and
raising children or to looking after the sick and elderly. Men are
dominant and logical, and should concentrate on breadwinning. Men have a
natural affinity for leadership, so they dominate in politics and
business. Gender roles are unshakeable and unchanging. So it has been
and so it ever shall be.
This
line of argument, while spurious, is pervasive in society. The currently
favoured medium for convincing us of the supposed eternality of
inequality is pseudoscience. In the past, religion would have been the
chosen vector for its delivery. God’s creation of Adam, first, followed
by Eve, set out the ‘natural order of things’, we were told. Now, there
is simply an attempt to make an old argument new.
They
try to explain gender inequality by inbuilt biological differences in
the sexes. Flawed, isolated, biased or out-of-context psychological
studies are routinely repackaged to declare the inevitability of woman’s
‘different’ (and usually secondary) position in society. In short,
genetics explain the 10-30% pay gap women suffer.
But
these arguments fail to stand up to scrutiny. Many people would point
correctly to the past century, when women made big strides forward in
terms of their rights, as evidence that gender roles are not set in
stone. But, of course, this begs a deeper question: why were women
unequal to men in the first place?
It
would be absurd to suggest that no biological differences exist between
men and women. But it is also wrong to assert that biology has
predestined women for a secondary place in society. The biological
factors which may have disadvantaged women in the past, most notably the
fact of female childbearing, can now be overcome, in the main. The
possibility of full, social provision of childcare, as well as free and
readily available contraception and abortion, mean that, potentially,
this biological fact need no longer put women at any disadvantage.
Marxists take a different view of the origins of inequalities and
divisions within society. Rather than relying on bold but abstract
assertions, such as the idea of a ‘natural order’ of things, we argue
that the order has arisen out of the way in which a society organises
production.
The
earliest human societies survived on the basis of hunting and gathering.
These kinds of societies make up the vast bulk of the human existence,
having lasted from the emergence of the species, right up until the dawn
of agriculture (around 12,000 years ago).While some anthropologists,
with no real evidence, have attempted to argue that these
hunter-gatherer societies would have contained lots of inequality, they
face a conundrum in explaining how this would have been expressed.
This
is because, unlike later forms of society which developed agriculture to
produce food, there was no real possibility of producing a surplus by
hunting and gathering. For this reason, the idea of some individuals
having more than they need while others had less would have been a
nonsense. Each member of a group would have been reliant on every other
for producing enough food for everyone’s survival. Having less would
have meant starvation, not just for an individual, but sometimes for a
whole group.
In
these societies, women and men would have tended to specialise in either
hunting or gathering, with men more likely to be hunters. But this is
unlikely to have led to big differences in status, as both activities
were absolutely essential for survival. In fact, gathering was perhaps
more important, as it would have been the most reliable source of
sustenance.
It
is important that divisions on the basis of class and gender have not
always existed. This is why great lengths are gone to in the attempt to
convince us otherwise. Propaganda which aims to convince us that things
have always been this way has a second purpose: to convince us things
can never change. Once you understand that something had a beginning you
realise it can have an end.
Marxists argue that class and gender divisions within society only began
once the development of agriculture meant the production of a surplus
was possible. Then it was possible for a division of labour to develop
in which certain individuals took themselves out of production and took
charge of organising the surplus. While these roles would have been
carried out, initially, on behalf of the group, it was from these layers
that ruling groups and classes would begin to form. They began to
consider the means of producing the surplus as their property. It was
from this that private ownership first began to emerge.
Gender inequality is also tied in with the development of agriculture
and the dawn of class society. There are a number of reasons why these
emerging hierarchical societies tended to favour men, leading to the
oppression of women. These include the increasing importance of
activities such as warfare to secure the best farming land, the need to
protect the inheritance of private property, which led to attempts to
control women’s sexuality, and the fact that agricultural techniques
often made it increasingly more difficult for women to participate
directly in production.
A
recent study focuses on this third, important point, providing evidence
of how the way in which production is organised affects the hierarchies,
culture and social institutions of a society. The paper, from the
Institute for the Study of Labor, looked at the impact of plough use on
the participation of women in the workforce. It used ethnographic data
looking at contemporary attitudes towards women, as well as levels of
female participation in the workforce, in different national or cultural
groupings. It compared this to historical data about which of these
groupings would have come from societies which would have used the
plough, primarily, rather than hand-held techniques such as the hoe or
digging stick.
The
results showed a strong correlation between historic plough use and
modern-day, negative attitudes towards women in work or politics,
including low female workforce participation. In order to be sure of the
causality of this link, the researchers looked at further evidence to
confirm that things had not been the other way around: ie that negative
attitudes towards women in work had caused societies to adopt plough
agriculture. To do this they measured the ethnographic data on women
against evidence about the kinds of crops farmed, the type of land used
and their suitability for plough agriculture. The results confirmed a
correlation between the use of crops or land most suitable for the
plough and lower female workforce participation and negative cultural
attitudes.
The
paper points out some of the probable reasons for this. The plough,
unlike the hoe or digging stick, requires a large amount of upper-body
strength, grip strength and ability for short bursts of power. This is
true either for pulling a plough manually or for controlling an animal
which pulls it. All of these things would have given a big physical
advantage to men. The hoe or digging stick are also more suitable for
use while caring for children as they are less dangerous and allow for
stopping and starting at more regular intervals.
The
authors of the study are quick to point out that more recent
developments in society, including factors such as economic development
and the struggle for greater equality between genders, have in many
cases overridden the impact of ancient agricultural techniques.
Nevertheless, the presence of this correlation represents a confirmation
of a Marxist view of history. It provides scientific evidence of how the
organisation of production impacts on a society’s culture, beliefs and
values.
Interestingly, this study backs up a theory put forward by the historian
Fernand Braudel, who argued that a sea change in the position of women
in ancient Mesopotamian society, between 6,000 and 8,000 years ago,
could be put down to a change in agricultural techniques. He argued that
it was the adoption of the plough which led this society to become
patriarchal (with male gods, priests and so on). Previously,
all-powerful female goddesses had been worshipped, with women as priests
and in important political positions.
Studies like this prove that a society in which women suffer
discrimination or oppression is not an inevitable, eternal fact.
Socialists argue that for women to win equality once and for all it is
necessary to end class society altogether. Only once freed from the
constraints of capitalism and society based on hierarchy and division
would an end to the oppression of women really be possible.
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