Blair’s last TUC
THE 2006 TUC conference was notable for the final
speech by Tony Blair to the ‘parliament’ of the labour movement.
The reception to his speech was overwhelmingly
hostile, even through the prism of a conference that barely ever voices,
with one or two exceptions, the massive anger felt by working people
against the government. Despite the best efforts of many of the union
leaders to keep a lid on any outright expressions of opposition from
within their own delegations, the thousand or so delegates gave Blair no
more than seven seconds of polite applause when he had finished.
Simon Hoggart wrote in The Guardian that the Women’s
Institute would have expressed more forcefully the opposition to Blair.
Nevertheless, the delegates, by their muted opposition to a clearly
nervous Blair, made it clear that he should not only leave them to get
on with normal business but also leave the stage of politics completely.
There were some walkouts but there were many other expressions of
opposition when delegates held up placards of various types: from PCS
civil service union delegates who called for opposition to
privatisation, to other delegates who held up anti-war messages.
The Rail, Maritime and Transport union (RMT)
delegates did walk, following a collective decision taken at their
delegation meeting. The PCS decided to stay because the union president,
Janice Godrich, had been delegated to confront Blair in a
question-and-answer session after he had finished speaking. In a
scandalous follow up, three of Unison’s delegates who walked out as
individuals were suspended from the conference and sent home by Unison
leaders, even though there had been no decision for or against the union
delegation walking out.
In an opinion poll of delegates, commented on by the
Financial Times, only one in ten delegates supported Gordon Brown as
Blair’s successor while six out of every ten supported John McDonnell
MP, the candidate of the left in the unions. Of course, this does not
mean that the union leaders will throw their weight behind McDonnell. As
the FT pointed out, the last time the leadership election took place, in
1994, many of the union leaders nominated John Prescott but he got only
28% of the individual trade union members’ votes while Blair got 52%.
Only the Amicus union leaders so far have clearly come out for Brown
(and this resulted in a major public row between Tony Woodley of the
TGWU and Derek Simpson of Amicus who are due soon to merge into one
union). The TGWU, Unison and GMBU have not yet declared who they will
support until they ‘hear the policies of the candidates’.
The conference was stage managed to ensure there was
as little controversy as possible. In the pre-conference period, the PCS
was criticised by other unions for daring to propose that the TUC
organises action in defence of the public sector. The PCS resolution
calling for a national demonstration and day of action in opposition to
privatisation was met with derision at various compositing meetings
behind closed doors. The right-wing union leaders were alleged to have
said ‘no one wants to go on demos’, ignoring the fact that millions have
been on demonstrations in the last few years. These have not just been
anti-war, but demonstrations to defend the NHS. What has been
significant is that they have been mainly organised without or with very
little union input, so it is no surprise that the right-wing union
leaders are running scared of giving a lead to workers on this vital
issue.
The health service is in the midst of a massive
crisis, with trust after trust declaring budget deficits resulting in
ward closures, job losses and other measures to cut costs. Yet the union
leaders have sat back and watched this happen. In its resolution to TUC
conference, Unison (the biggest health union) demanded an end to NHS
cuts and privatisation, but did not put any policy forward for the TUC
to take action. Only belatedly have the unions been forced to move,
calling a lobby of parliament for November 1 and a national demo in
February 2007 "if it proves necessary".
The main reason they are beginning to act is because
of the huge pressure from below. At the TUC, Unison leader Dave Prentis
announced the result of a strike ballot in NHS Logistics (NHSL). NHSL
has been under threat of privatisation for the last 18 months but only
now has the union begun to act. Unfortunately, despite the undoubted
willingness of the members to fight, it could be too late. DHL is due to
take over the contract from NHSL on 1 October. This could mean that any
action by the workers after this date could be halted by the union
leaders using the excuse that under the anti-union laws another ballot
might have to be held because NHSL workers have a new employer.
It is not the members’ fault that this has come
about, but a cynical manoeuvre by the union leadership to organise a
couple of days of strike action to ‘let off steam’ and then declare it
all over once the contracts are changed. What that indicates above all
is the role of the right-wing union leaders in acting as a block upon
the working class.
Brendan Barber, TUC general secretary, and the
majority of the General Council want the TUC to continue to play the
role of would-be ‘partners’ with the bosses. It is not an accident that
the right-wing union leaders act this way. They are ideologically
committed to the capitalist system. They do not have any perspective of
a socialist society so they are convinced that if the system cannot
afford reforms for their members then they will act to stop any movement
from below, to act as the police of the rank and file, in effect, until
‘times get better’. At the TUC it was only the left leaders who gave any
voice to demands from the working class for the unions to fight back.
Unfortunately, the left is a small minority on the
General Council. In the elections, Bob Crow of the RMT, Brian Caton of
the Prison Officers Association, and Matt Wrack from the Fire Brigades
Union (FBU) were elected in the smaller unions section. Mark Serwotka
and Janice Godrich of the PCS were also re-elected without opposition.
The election of Bob Crow and Matt Wrack came after last year’s TUC where
Bob Crow was voted off the General Council – the first time ever that
the rail union did not have a place on that body – and Matt Wrack found
himself stabbed in the back by his fellow FBU leaders – who, behind the
scenes, told other smaller unions not to vote for him. They did this
because he had recently won a union election to replace Andy Gilchrist
as the FBU general secretary when most of its leadership was backing
Gilchrist.
Differences rarely surface at the TUC. Its
bureaucracy ensures that is the case in pre-conference meetings. The
final agenda that surfaces from these deliberations reflects this, with
many of the resolutions watered down to the lowest common denominator,
with any call for action removed.
The PCS call for a national demonstration and a
national day of action in opposition to privatisation was finally
composited so that it now calls on the General Council to "debate
proposals for the organisation of a national demonstration and campaign
day to promote public services". The PCS delegation had to decide
whether to allow this to go forward with its name attached as a
promoting union or to put its own resolution in opposition to it. In the
end, it kept its powder dry and will now give the TUC a chance to
organise it, but with the proviso that, if it does not, then the PCS and
other unions will.
The Socialist Party had 15 delegates at this year’s
TUC, eight of whom spoke at the conference to articulate the voice of
the oppressed, as well as point out the shortcomings of the leadership.
The era of ‘partnership’ with the bosses, as expressed by Brendan
Barber, is coming to an end. But it will not reflect itself in the
corridors of the TUC without a massive struggle from below that,
undoubtedly, will come about and leave the rightwing behind in its wake.
Bill Mullins
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