Socialist success in Ireland’s euro poll
Joe Higgins’ euro-election victory in Dublin is a
spectacular victory for the Socialist Party (CWI Ireland) and the left
in general. Fianna Fáil, the governing party, suffered a devastating
setback. The Socialist Party and other left groups also made gains in
county council elections. KEVIN McLOUGHLIN reports.
IN 2007 BERTIE Ahern won a third successive general
election in southern Ireland, bringing the main pro-capitalist party,
Fianna Fáil, close to an overall majority. On a 5 June 2009
parliamentary by-election, Ahern’s nominee, his hapless brother Maurice,
came fifth in the Dublin Central constituency which Fianna Fáil had
dominated for decades!
With 25.4% in the local elections and 24% in the EU
elections (both held on the same day), Fianna Fáil got its lowest votes
ever nationally, losing 84 council seats. They also lost one MEP and
performed dismally in the two Dublin by-elections. The Greens won 18
council seats in 2004 but came back with three – a ‘just reward’ for
that party’s unprincipled grab for power when it entered a coalition
government with the right-wing Fianna Fáil after the 2007 general
elections.
As spectacular as their fall was the dramatic
victory of the Socialist Party’s Joe Higgins. Joe heaped misery on
Taoiseach (prime minister) Brian Cowen, when he defeated sitting Fianna
Fáil MEP, Eoin Ryan, for the final seat in Dublin.
The Socialist Party also performed very well in the
county council elections, with Clare Daly, Ruth Coppinger and Joe
Higgins elected in Fingal, and Mick Barry in Cork North Central. The
party got over 22% of the first preference vote in Swords, 18% in
Mulhuddart, 28% in Castleknock, and 26.5% in Cork North Central. Taking
the eight local wards together where our ten council candidates stood,
we got an impressive 13.5% of the total valid poll. Despite polling very
well, unfortunately, our councilor in Tallaght, Mick Murphy, narrowly
lost his seat. Importantly, the Socialist Party won two additional
positions, with Frank Gallagher elected to Drogheda town council and
Terry Kelleher to Balbriggan town council.
The final seats won in the euro elections (county
council seats in brackets) were: Fianna Fáil three (218), Fine Gael four
(340), Labour Party three (132), Socialist Party one (4), and one
independent. The Green Party also won three county council seats, Sinn
Féin 53, People Before Profits Alliance (PBPA) five, with 128
independents or ‘others’. Fine Gael easily won the Dublin South
by-election. Significantly, Maureen O’Sullivan, the ‘Gregory candidate’
(named after a popular independent left-wing TD [MP] who died recently),
beat the establishment parties in the Dublin Central by-election.
A hated government
CAN THE GOVERNMENT survive this crushing defeat?
Will the gains for Fine Gael last, and will the electoral growth of
Labour make any difference for working-class people?
The hatred for Fianna Fáil was the defining
characteristic of these elections. More than one in every three people
who voted for Fianna Fáil in 2007 deserted it this time. Its vote in the
locals in Dublin was down 6.5% on the disastrous vote they got in the
2004 local elections.
Out of 130 councillors in the four Dublin councils,
Fianna Fáil has a paltry 18 – reduced by more than a third. In Cork city
it lost five councillors and is left with six out of 31. In Limerick it
has three out of 15. In Waterford, only one councillor out of 15.
The Greens won ten council seats throughout Dublin
in 2004, today they have none. If the results were repeated in a general
election, all six Green TDs would face losing their Dáil (national
parliament) seats. The real probability of a complete annihilation at
the polls if they continue in government may force the Greens to look
for an issue around which they could exit and try to regain some
credibility.
These results were fashioned by the economic crisis.
People blamed Fianna Fáil. In addition, the vote showed there is little
support for its policy of slashing pay and public spending. How the
crisis develops will continue to be the crucial factor in determining
how the different parties and forces will do in the years ahead.
Talk of ‘green shoots of recovery’ is a cruel joke.
Consumption and economic activity are still declining rapidly, as are
imports, signifying a big drop in domestic manufacturing, which is being
badly hit by the high value of the euro. The austerity measures of the
government will make conditions even worse for working people. It is a
chilling prospect that the finance minister, in effect, predicted that
more than 600,000, over 25% of the workforce, would be unemployed before
the end of 2010!
On the basis of worsening conditions, a significant
recovery of Fianna Fáil is not on the cards. In the general election,
people are likely to be more desperate than ever to get rid of Fianna
Fáil and its results could be even worse. Events can spin out of control
and we have to be prepared that a general election could happen at
almost any time.
At this point, the main beneficiaries are Fine Gael
and the Labour Party, up by 5% and 4.5% respectively on the last general
election. A significant portion of those who had supported Fianna Fáil
over the last decade has switched to Fine Gael at this point and it is
the biggest party in council seats and opinion polls.
Is Labour an alternative?
LABOUR INCREASED ITS representation in the urban
centres and now holds 45 of the 130 council seats in Dublin. It is
behind Fine Gael in Limerick but is neck-and-neck or ahead in the cities
of Cork, Waterford and Galway in terms of council positions. Labour is a
key player on many of the main councils. But that does not mean there is
any prospect of left-wing, fighting councils. Instead, regardless of the
rhetoric on certain issues, services for working-class people will be
attacked and undermined, including where Labour is dominant.
The boost for Fine Gael and Labour says more about
the intense hatred of Fianna Fáil than indicating deep illusions in
either of the official opposition parties. Neither has been in power
since 1997, and the memory of that unpopular government or their
disastrous coalition in the 1980s has understandably faded.
If the results of the local and euro elections were
repeated in the next general election, Fine Gael and Labour would have a
comfortable majority in the Dáil. Such a government would be a
right-wing, anti-working class administration. That is not just because
Fine Gael is likely to be in a coalition majority, it is also because
Labour is part of the pro-capitalist establishment. Some may hope that,
in the context of this extreme capitalist crisis, Labour may return to a
left position under pressure from working-class people. There were also
huge hopes in New Labour in Britain when it came to power in 1997 after
years of Tory rule but look what was delivered!
The Labour Party in Ireland also ceased to be a
workers’ party during the 1990s. It has moved ever further to the right
under successive leaders, capitulating completely to the capitalist
market. Its connection to the working class is gone and there is no
committed left wing in the party. In power, any of Labour’s radical
policies that may inadvertently remain on paper in policy documents will
be discarded. Rather than reflect the aspirations of working people,
Labour would heed and act under pressure from big business interests,
demanding that the policy of making working people pay for the crisis is
continued. Such an administration would likely become quickly unpopular.
On the basis of its previous record in coalition
governments with the traditional capitalist parties and its recent
record and policies, Labour will hugely disappoint its supporters and
the working class by implementing a pro-capitalist agenda when in power.
This will have a big impact on society. It will create the conditions
for a further and more dramatic shift to the left and for the growth of
socialist forces, including the Socialist Party.
In preparation for such a future opening, well
before the local elections, the Socialist Party put forward positive
proposals that should have led to the establishment of a genuine left
slate of candidates for the local elections. We were disappointed that
others on the left did not fully engage or respond favourably to our
proposal and as a result an opportunity was missed.
It is a mistake for the newly-elected PBPA
councillors to refer to Labour and Sinn Féin as ‘left wing’ when these
parties are committed to implementing pro-capitalist market policies. In
a disgusting attack on union organisation and workers’ rights, Eamonn
Gilmore, Labour Party leader, recently argued that public-sector workers
should not take action against the government’s austerity programme.
By referring to Labour and Sinn Fein as ‘left’, and
being open to an alliance and deals with them on local councils, PBPA is
potentially giving support to those who will attack working-class
communities. Such statements will reinforce illusions that may exist in
these parties rather than pointing towards the need for a new mass left
party. This mischaracterisation of what a left party and programme are
needs to be resolved otherwise there is a real danger that the attempts
to build a new party will fail.
Joe Higgins defeats Fianna Fáil
THE VICTORY OF Joe Higgins was by far the biggest
gain for the left and the working class in these elections. The result
was greeted with huge enthusiasm, particularly in Dublin. For a campaign
with only a fraction of the resources of the main parties, 50,510 first
preference votes or 12.4% is an incredible result.
Our defeat of Sinn Féin MEP, Mary Lou McDonald, was
a huge blow to its leadership and capped off a poor election for it,
particularly in Dublin where it also lost three council positions.
Within a couple of days, Sinn Féin’s longest serving councillor, Christy
Burke, resigned from the party in Dublin. Then John Dwyer from New Ross,
who got 5,000 first preference votes for Sinn Féin in the 2002 general
election, also resigned.
Joe Higgins was elected on a clear socialist
programme, which we outlined constantly in the media, on leaflets, and
via our excellent campaign website. Joe’s main leaflet, distributed to
over 200,000 homes, called for the nationalisation of the banks and
major building companies, under the democratic management of working
people, as the start of a state housing plan. We called for "a socialist
Europe, where the wealth and resources are publicly owned and
democratically run, to provide for the needs of people not profit", and
much else besides.
Joe’s election gives an indication of the potential
that will emerge more generally, particularly if Labour is in a
crisis-ridden government. A number of crucial factors came together at
the right time. The record of Joe Higgins and the Socialist Party in
major struggles – defeating water charges, fighting the bin tax (for
which Joe was sent to prison), involvement in countless workers’
struggles, like the GAMA dispute – were absolutely crucial factors.
The opposition that Joe showed against Fianna Fáil
in the Dáil, between 1997 and 2007, was also vital. More than anyone
else, Joe exposed and warned of the crisis that Fianna Fáil’s policies
and greed would lead to. Events have dramatically vindicated his and the
party’s views. If people wanted to rebuke the capitalist greed that
caused this crisis, Joe Higgins was clearly the most obvious candidate.
Even with such potential, a vibrant campaign is
necessary to give people the confidence to turn out, that their vote can
make a difference. A second Irish Times opinion poll showing Joe’s
growing electoral strength was an important factor in boosting his
chances, but it only had an impact because we had already increased our
support and developed a momentum since the Irish Times’ first poll.
The 50,510 voters knew very well that they were
voting for a socialist. In an exit poll, when asked why they had voted
for Joe Higgins, 48% said because of his personality/personal qualities;
29% because of his policies, and 18% because he was the Socialist Party
candidate. Of those made redundant over the last six months who voted,
32.4% voted for Joe. Clearly, what people refer to as Joe’s ‘personal
qualities’ are directly related to his political views and his
campaigning record. In other words, Joe Higgins and the Socialist Party
were paid back for their record of consistently fighting for
working-class people.
Other left candidates also won county council seats.
Five PBPA councillors were elected to Dun Laoghaire/Rathdown, South
Dublin and Dublin city councils. Two county councillors were elected for
the Tipperary Workers and Unemployed Action Group; the action group won
a seat on Carrick-on-Suir town council and five on Clonmel borough
council. Independent left and Workers Party councillors were elected in
Dublin, Waterford and Cork. These gains are important. On the basis of
the councillors and groups pursuing the right policies and a fighting
approach, they can make a real difference for working-class people in
these communities.
The Socialist Party and the left must now use all
elected positions to fight on the issues and to explain the need for a
new workers’ party. Joe Higgins used many important media opportunities
during the election to do precisely that. The Socialist Party is fully
committed to use its positions, including that of the MEP seat, to push
forward and help in the reorganisation of the working class and youth in
the communities, workplaces and politically, in preparation for the
inevitable opportunities that will emerge to build a new broad mass
party of the working class.
Right now the focus needs to be on organising mass
resistance and struggle to the draconian attacks that this government is
implementing, and which are destroying the lives of working people and
will make the crisis and unemployment even worse. This government has
been weakened by the election defeats and, if united, working-class
people have the power to push them back.
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