European court condones police kettling
ELEVEN YEARS after the ‘kettling’ (containment) of
an anti-capitalist protest in central London, the European Court of
Human Rights delivered its judgment on the police tactic.
Upholding the Metropolitan police’s assault on
democratic rights, the European Court ruled that the police operation on
May Day 2011 was lawful. The "imposition of an absolute cordon was the
least intrusive and most effective" tactic available to officers, the
Court ruled.
The case was brought by Socialist Party member, Lois
Austin. She and 3,000 others were kettled in Oxford Circus, on 1 May
2001, for nearly seven hours. They had no access to food or water or
toilet facilities. Lois was prevented from collecting her baby daughter
from a creche.
Along with three bystanders who were forced into the
kettle, Lois fought a long legal battle to obtain a finding that their
containment was unlawful. The case went through the entire English court
system before reaching the European Court. Lois commented: "This has
been a long, hard struggle for freedom of speech. The increased use of
kettling has had disastrous consequences for the right to peaceful
protest and the safety of protesters".
Some activists questioned the decision to take a
case against the Met. While socialists recognise that the law courts,
along with the police, prison system and other arms of the state, are
vital tools for maintaining the rule of the capitalist class, it is also
important to sometimes initiate legal cases to defend the interests of
protesters and the working class. By doggedly pursuing the May Day case,
Lois and her committed legal team (Louise Christian and Kat Craig at
Christian Khan Solicitors and Heather Williams QC and Phillippa Kauffman
QC at Doughty Street Chambers) ensured that police’s new repressive
kettling tactic was contested and brought to wider attention.
In March 2005 the high court ruled against Lois’s
claim against the Met for false imprisonment and breach of the right to
liberty. The ruling was upheld by the Appeal Court in October 2007. The
Law Lords also ruled against Lois in January 2009, although they
stipulated that police must use the tactic "proportionally".
Yet kettling was used extensively at the G20
protests in London, in 2009. Ian Tomlinson, a newspaper vendor, was
unlawfully killed while trying to find his way through police cordons.
In late 2010, thousands of students, including school students, were
kettled for hours in Westminster during protests against university
tuition fee rises.
Lois’s final legal option was an appeal to the
European Court of Human Rights. She contested that she and 3,000
protesters were deprived of their right to liberty under article five of
the European convention on human rights. Disappointingly, but not
surprisingly given the inbuilt class bias of capitalist courts, on 15
March the majority of the seventeen judges at European Court Grand
Chamber upheld the January 2009 House of Lords judgement that there was
no deprivation of liberty.
Since May Day 2001, kettling has been used as a
routine ‘crowd control’ measure by police during many large scale
protests. The Met will welcome the European Court finding, as they
consider kettling an invaluable tool for public order policing.
If the European Court had ruled that the 2001 May
Day detention was a deprivation of liberty, which could not be justified
under Article 5.1 of the European convention, the police tactic would
have become unlawful and would have triggered a review of public order
policing. But the majority of the judges defended the containment on the
vague basis that situations "commonly occur in modern society where the
public may be called on to endure restriction on freedom of movement or
liberty in the interests of the common good".
Is it the ‘common good’ to deny protesters the right
to protest? To detain thousands of protesters and bystanders, including
school children and the disabled, for many hours in the cold and rain
and without access to food, drink or toilets?
The European Court’s ruling that such restrictions
are acceptable "so long as they are rendered unavoidable as a result of
circumstances beyond the control of the authorities and are necessary to
avert a real risk of serious injury or damage and are kept to the
minimum required for that purpose", is no assurance to protesters. It
imposes no real requirements on the police when they decide to corral
protesters.
The court majority felt compelled to warn the police
not to overstep their powers. "It must be underlined that measures of
crowd control should not be used by the national authorities directly or
indirectly to stifle or discourage protest, given the fundamental
importance of freedom of expression and assembly in all democratic
societies".
But the Met are determined to hold onto kettling and
to increase their repressive powers. Chris Allison, the chief
superintendent in charge of forcibly containing Lois and thousands of
others in 2001, is now assistant commissioner at the Met and is in
charge of policing the London Olympics. The Guardian’s Paul Lewis
commented (14 March) that Allison was "recently quoted as saying that
his officers were seeking intelligence about planned protests around the
Games, and is unlikely to want any reduction in public order powers in
the runup to the event".
The capitalist state will want to ensure that the
police have available a wide range of repressive measures not just for
the Games, but also for use against protests and strikes that will
inevitably erupt over continuing savage government austerity. The police
chiefs may hope that just the threat of being kettled will discourage
people from taking part in demonstrations.
In the same week as the European Court judgement,
senior British police officers said they are increasing the Met’s
capacity for using baton rounds (‘plastic bullets’) and may deploy water
cannons and CS gas during "future outbreaks of disorder". Northern
Ireland has shown that use of these weapons will maim and kill.
Seventeen people, including seven children, were killed by the British
Army and the RUC police force’s use of plastic bullets, an allegedly
‘non-lethal projectile’, since they were introduced in the North in the
early 1970s.
Importantly, three out of the seventeen European
Court judges dissented with the majority view. The three judges, from
Belgium, Luxembourg and Poland, were led by Françoise Tulkens, who is
the President of the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human
Rights. Their impressive ‘dissenting opinion’ opened by stating, "We do
not share the view of the majority that there was no deprivation of
liberty in the present case". The majority view, justifying deprivation
of liberty arising from public order considerations, is a dangerous
precedent, the three dissenting judges warned, and sends "a bad message
to police authorities".
While Lois’s legal challenge has gone as far as it
can, the kettling issue and the campaign for democratic rights will not
go away. As Lois commented after the European Court judgement: "The
campaign for the right to protest will continue and will go hand in hand
with the fight against cuts, wars and erosion of civil liberties and
democratic rights. Today many more people have the same views as the
anti-capitalist protesters had in 2001, as we have seen with the
international Occupy movement. In Britain we face years of austerity –
the campaign will go on".
Other cases related to police containment tactics,
which were put on hold pending the European Court ruling, will now go
ahead. The Supreme Court will consider whether the containment of the
climate change camp sit-in at the G20 protest was lawful. On 26 March,
the trial began of Alfie Meadows and other defendants, who took part in
a march against fees and cuts in London on 9 December 2010. Alfie
suffered serious head injuries from police baton attacks but it is he
who stands trial on violent disorder charges.
Socialists will continue to campaign for the right
to protest and in defence of civil and democratic rights, to stop the
victimisation of protesters by the police and in the courts, and for the
scraping of all repressive powers and anti-trade union laws. The long
passage of the May Day case through the English courts underlines the
need for the right to trial by jury. The police need to come under the
control of, and be accountable to, local communities, and the rank and
file police must have trade union rights.
The right to protest and other democratic rights
were won over many decades by the mass struggles of the organised
working class. Defending these essential rights and stopping the state
acquiring and using new repressive powers, will ultimately depend on
successfully mobilising the same collective methods of mass struggle and
by building a strong socialist alternative.
Niall Mulholland