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Democracy in Afghanistan
HAMID KARZAI won the first presidential election in
Afghanistan, with American help, money and rigging.
With 98% of the votes counted, Karzai had secured 4.3
million votes, 55%, more than the amount needed to avoid a second round. His
closest rival, Younas Qanooni, had got 17%. Abdul Rashid Dostam got 11%, Ustad
Muhaqaq, 10.3%, and the lone female candidate, Masuada Jalal, 1%. There were
10.5 million registered voters and 8.3 million cast their votes, a turnout
around 80%, which is high under these conditions.
Qanooni conceded defeat in the ‘national interest’. "There
were lots of cases of fraud and irregularities", he said. But "we respect the
will of the people even though there was fraud. To avoid violence and to respect
the national interest, we will accept the results".
The masses had no choice in this election, except to choose
a ‘lesser evil’. All the candidates represent one or another section of the
elite. All the candidates were or are still part of the American hand-picked
interim government. Most of them are warlords and ex-guerrilla leaders who
fought against the Stalinist left regime in Afghanistan in the 1980s.
The results really showed the ethnic divide in war-ravaged
Afghanistan. Karzai has swept the election in Pashtun areas, winning 21 of the
34 provinces with 80% of the Pashtun vote. He got 90% in the Pashtun-dominated
southern and eastern provinces, such as Khost, Paktia, Logar, Kunar, Nangarhar,
and his native Kandhar. Qanooni did well in the Tajik-dominated northern
provinces. Dostam did well in four central Uzbek-dominated provinces. The
warlord, Muhaqaq, won a majority in Herat and other Shia Hazara provinces in
central Afghanistan. Among refugees, Karzai got a majority vote in Pakistan, and
Muhaqaq and Dostam won majorities in Iran.
The split in the Northern Alliance made it easier for Karzai
to secure victory. Karzai and the Afghan-born American ambassador in
Afghanistan, Zulmay Khalilzad, were able to exploit the situation. Prior to the
vote, Karzai had announced two vice presidents, one Tajik and one Hazara. This
move helped him to gain some Tajik and Hazara Shia votes. Of particular
importance for Karzai was winning support from the former warlord and president,
Burhanudin Rabbani. This was a big blow against Qanooni. This split between
Rabbani and Qanooni proved fatal for the Northern Alliance.
Khalilzad played the most important role in Karzai’s
victory. In fact, he was in charge of the campaign and holds the real power.
According to leading Pakistani newspapers, like Dawn and the Daily Times, the
total money that the US regime spent on Karzai was $195m. This money was paid to
different warlords and local commanders to secure their support. Rabbani’s
party, Jamiat-i-Islami, got $1m. Abdul Rasool Siaf’s party, Ittehad-e-Islami,
got $1.3m. One local commander from Jalal Abad said that he got $30,000 to buy
votes for Karzai. Afghan refugee camps in Pakistan witnessed the same tactics.
In one refugee camp near Peshawar, $10 were given for each vote. Karzai hired
700 people in Pakistan to run his campaign. Each of them was paid $100 per day
and 150 luxury jeeps were also given to them. Money was provided to different
tribal chiefs and elders. Many of them said that they received $10,000 to
$80,000 to buy votes for Karzai.
Khalilzad also used his influence to ensure that some
Pashtun candidates withdrew from the contest. He promised to give important
positions to many warlords in the future government if they supported Karzai. It
was Khalilzad who persuaded all the candidates to accept the results of the
election, and end their threatened boycott.
The allegations of rigging, fraud and irregularities were
made by all the defeated candidates. The main issue was the use of ‘indelible
ink’ on the voters’ thumbs. It could be washed off! That provided the
opportunity for many to cast more than one vote. Fake registration was also
reported.
There is no doubt that all the main candidates used their
force in their strongholds. Almost two million votes were falsely registered.
These were used to show a high turnout. Many people confessed that they had cast
more than one vote. In Paktia, 100 voters were interviewed by one Pakistani TV
reporter. Sixty-five confessed that they cast between two and five votes. This
was the case in many areas. A more realistic estimate of the turnout was given
at around 58% – among Afghan refugees in Iran, 40%. Only 32% of women
registered. And in many areas they were not allowed to vote by local fanatic
groups and tribal elders. It is not possible to get a high turnout without
fraud, multiple voting and rigging.
The Taliban threatened to sabotage the elections and
campaigned for a boycott. They fired rockets on all the main cities one day
before the elections, but there was no significant sabotage on election day
itself.
The Taliban, however, was split on this question. One
faction was not in favour of sabotage, holding the view that it was preferable
to elect Karzai. If Karzai was defeated, they reasoned, the Tajik, Qanooni,
would win. The Taliban support base is in Pashtun areas, and sabotage in these
areas could have undermined Karzai. This faction was led by the notorious
warlord and criminal, Mullah Abdul Salam Rockti, and Mullah Razaq. They both
cast their votes and forced others to vote. Many other Taliban commanders also
encouraged local people to vote for Karzai.
The turnout in the Taliban’s stronghold, Kandahar (which is
also Karzai’s native city, as well as that of Mullah Omar, a Taliban leader),
clearly shows its strategy. The turnout there was 78%. The Taliban was
frightened by their rival Northern Alliance candidate. It would be completely
wrong, however, to assume that the Taliban is no longer in a position to strike
larger blows against American troops. It still has its forces intact.
The Taliban is not very popular with the masses, but still
has the support of some sections of society. One faction is already in talks
with Khalilzad. The Taliban wants its share of power. Many Taliban commanders
are not very active against US forces. Dollars can win the support of some of
these commanders to that end.
‘Black market’ money plays an important role in Afghan
politics and involves most of the warlords. The Taliban and other armed Islamist
groups finance their activities this way. The main source comes from opium
poppies, the major crop in 28 provinces, involving 1.7 million people. More than
1.2 million families are dependent on this crop for their living. Afghanistan
currently produces three quarters of the world’s opium – 3,600 tons – with
200,000 acres of land under cultivation. The struggle to get control of
different provinces is mainly to get this black market money.
Karzai promised a better life if he was elected. He also
warned the people that, if he lost, reconstruction would end, with the so-called
‘international community’ not giving any more money. Many people who voted for
him believed that. The reality is quite different. Karzai has failed to solve
any of the fundamental problems faced by the Afghan masses. Education, health,
employment, electricity, clean drinking water, land irrigation, and a free and
secure life are still just a dream, after three years of American rule.
The previous record of Karzai has shown that he is just a
puppet of US imperialism. He has no interest in solving the problems of the
people. His rule is completely dependent on US and Nato forces. He is a Pashtun
warlord and ex-mujaheddin commander who fought against the Russian occupation in
Afghanistan. He has two houses in Pakistan – one in Quetta, another in Peshawar.
He was living in Pakistan since 1979 and his family still lives there. He lives
under tight US security, his bodyguards notorious for their viciousness. Karzai
did not appear in public during the election campaign because he was afraid of
being killed. He is a right-wing capitalist and has no base of support in
Afghanistan.
This election has further increased the ethnic divisions. It
is not going to solve any of the problems, but will surely aggravate them.
Immediately after the election, 20 US soldiers were killed in separate Taliban
attacks. A number of bomb attacks have taken place. These will increase. In the
meantime, many Afghan people are still living in 14th century conditions,
struggling to live without the necessities of life .
Khalid Bhatti,
Socialist Movement, Pakistan
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