The Easter rising was a defeat, acknowledged as such by Vladimir Lenin in the article written in the summer of 1916 reprinted below. “The misfortune” of the Irish rebels, he argued, was that “they rose prematurely”, before the inevitable revolt of the working classes of Europe against the horrors of the first world war “had had time to mature”.
But it was precisely from that standpoint, of an international struggle against imperialism, that he defended the rising against fellow revolutionaries, including some participants from the Zimmerwald conference which had met in the Swiss town in 1915 to oppose the war. Reacting to the talk of ‘national defence’ which the leaders of the workers’ parties and trade unions used to justify their support for the war, these social democrats – the self-description still used by Marxists at this time, before the 1917 Russian revolution and the 1919 foundation of the Communist International – had dismissed the possibility that the national aspirations of the peoples of smaller or weaker nations dominated by imperialism could be a bridge to the socialist revolution, under the leadership of the working class.
Far from the right to self-determination being “a slogan leading us over to the struggle for socialism”, said the ‘Polish theses’ argued against by Lenin in his article, it can “only spread false conceptions of the nature of both capitalist and socialist society” and arouse “false hopes”. What was required instead, they argued, was just “the clear unobscured slogan of socialism, of socialist revolution” and to “openly explain” the need of “doing away with capitalism itself”, the ultimate source of all oppression.
The failure of the Easter rising to spread beyond the few thousand or so who participated, with only limited skirmishes outside Dublin and Galway, had its impact on Lenin’s critics. It reinforced their scholastic, undialectical thinking, seeing social factors as fixed categories rather than the product of living, contradictory processes. The Irish rebels had been “seduced by nationalist dreams”, wrote Karl Radek in May 1916 in Their Song Is Over, also referenced by Lenin, yet the containment of the rising, he continued, had showed that “the Irish question is played out”.
No wonder that Lenin, drawing on the experience of the 1905 Russian revolution and the ‘motley consciousness’ of the masses (see Lessons Of The First Russian Revolution, in Socialism Today No.283), so scathingly wrote of such abstract propagandists, “whoever expects a ‘pure’ social revolution will never live to see it. Such a person pays lip-service to revolution without understanding what revolution is”. A maxim still so relevant to the struggle today. ■
The views of the opponents of self-determination lead to the conclusion that the vitality of small nations oppressed by imperialism has already been sapped, that they cannot play any role against imperialism, that support of their purely national aspirations will lead to nothing, etc. The imperialist war of 1914-16 has provided facts which refute such conclusions.
The war has proved to be an epoch of crisis for the West European nations, and for imperialism as a whole. Every crisis discards the conventionalities, tears away the outer wrappings, sweeps away the obsolete and reveals the underlying springs and forces. And what has it revealed from the standpoint of the movement of oppressed nations!
In the colonies there have been a number of attempts at rebellion, which the oppressor nations, naturally, did all they could to hide by means of military censorship. Nevertheless, it is known that in Singapore the British brutally suppressed a mutiny among their Indian troops, that there were attempts at rebellion in French Annam [Central Vietnam], and in the German Cameroons; that in Europe, on the one hand, there was a rebellion in Ireland, which the ‘freedom-loving’ English, who did not dare to extend conscription to Ireland, suppressed by executions, and, on the other, the Austrian government passed the death sentence on the deputies of the Czech Diet ‘for treason’, and shot whole Czech regiments for the same ‘crime’.
This list is, of course, far from complete. Nevertheless, it proves that, owing to the crisis of imperialism, the flames of national revolt have flared up both in the colonies and in Europe, and that national sympathies and antipathies have manifested themselves in spite of the Draconian threats and measures of repression.
All this before the crisis of imperialism hit its peak; the power of the imperialist bourgeoisie was yet to be undermined (this may he brought about by a war of ‘attrition’ but has not yet happened), and the proletarian movements in the imperialist countries were still very feeble. What will happen when the war has caused complete exhaustion, or when, in one state at least, the power of the bourgeoisie has been shaken under the blows of proletarian struggle, as that of Tsarism in 1905?
On May 9, 1916, there appeared in Berner Tagwacht, the organ of the Zimmerwald group, including some of the Leftists, an article on the Irish rebellion entitled Their Song Is Over and signed with the initials KR [Karl Radek]. It described the Irish rebellion as being nothing more nor less than a ‘putsch’, for, as the author argued, ‘the Irish question was an agrarian one’, the peasants had been pacified by reforms, and the nationalist movement remained only a “purely urban, petty-bourgeois movement, which, notwithstanding the sensation it caused, had not much social backing”.
It is not surprising that this monstrously doctrinaire and pedantic assessment coincided with that of the Russian national-liberal Cadet, Mr A Kulisher (Rech, No.102, April 15, 1916), who also labelled the rebellion ‘the Dublin putsch’.
It is to be hoped that, in accordance with the adage, ‘it’s an ill wind that blows nobody any good’, many comrades, who were not aware of the morass they were sinking into by repudiating ‘self-determination’ and by treating the national movements of small nations with disdain, will have their eyes opened by the ‘accidental’ coincidence of opinion held by a Social-Democrat and a representative of the imperialist bourgeoisie!
The term ‘putsch’, in its scientific sense, may be employed only when the attempt at insurrection has revealed nothing but a circle of conspirators or stupid maniacs, and has aroused no sympathy among the masses. The centuries-old Irish national movement, having passed through various stages and combinations of class interest, manifested itself, in particular, in a mass Irish National Congress in America (Vorwärts, March 20, 1916) which called for Irish independence; it also manifested itself in street fighting conducted by a section of the urban petty bourgeoisie and a section of the workers after a long period of mass agitation, demonstrations, suppression of newspapers, etc. Whoever calls such a rebellion a ‘putsch’ is either a hardened reactionary, or a doctrinaire hopelessly incapable of envisaging a social revolution as a living phenomenon.
To imagine that social revolution is conceivable without revolts by small nations in the colonies and in Europe, without revolutionary outbursts by a section of the petty bourgeoisie with all its prejudices, without a movement of the politically non-conscious proletarian and semi-proletarian masses against oppression by the landowners, the church, and the monarchy, against national oppression, etc – to imagine all this is to repudiate social revolution. So one army lines up in one place and says, ‘We are for socialism’, and another, somewhere else and says, ‘We are for imperialism’, and that will be a social revolution! Only those who hold such a ridiculously pedantic view could vilify the Irish rebellion by calling it a ‘putsch’.
Whoever expects a ‘pure’ social revolution will never live to see it. Such a person pays lip-service to revolution without understanding what revolution is.
The Russian revolution of 1905 was a bourgeois-democratic revolution. It consisted of a series of battles in which all the discontented classes, groups and elements of the population participated. Among these there were masses imbued with the crudest prejudices, with the vaguest and most fantastic aims of struggle; there were small groups which accepted Japanese money; there were speculators and adventurers, etc. But objectively, the mass movement was breaking the back of Tsarism and paving the way for democracy; for this reason the class-conscious workers led it.
The socialist revolution in Europe cannot be anything other than an outburst of mass struggle on the part of all and sundry oppressed and discontented elements. Inevitably, sections of the petty bourgeoisie and of the backward workers will participate in it – without such participation, mass struggle is impossible, without it no revolution is possible – and just as inevitably will they bring into the movement their prejudices, their reactionary fantasies, their weaknesses and errors.
But objectively they will attack capital, and the class-conscious vanguard of the revolution, the advanced proletariat, expressing this objective truth of a variegated and discordant, motley and outwardly fragmented, mass struggle, will be able to unite and direct it, capture power, seize the banks, expropriate the trusts which all hate (though for different reasons!), and introduce other control measures which in their totality will amount to the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the victory of socialism, which, however, will by no means immediately ‘purge’ itself of petty-bourgeois slag.
Social democracy, we read in the Polish theses (Imperialism and National Oppression, Gazeta Robotnicza, April 1916), “must utilise the struggle of the young colonial bourgeoisie against European imperialism in order to sharpen the revolutionary crisis in Europe”.
But is it not clear that it is least of all permissible to contrast Europe to the colonies in this respect? The struggle of the oppressed nations in Europe, a struggle capable of going all the way to insurrection and street fighting, capable of breaking down the iron discipline of the army and martial law, will ‘sharpen the revolutionary crisis in Europe’ to an infinitely greater degree than a much more developed rebellion in a remote colony. A blow delivered against the power of the English imperialist bourgeoisie by a rebellion in Ireland is a hundred times more significant politically than a blow of equal force delivered in Asia or in Africa…
The dialectics of history are such that small nations, powerless as an independent factor in the struggle against imperialism, play a part as one of the ferments, one of the bacilli, which help the real anti-imperialist force, the socialist proletariat, to make its appearance on the scene.
The general staffs in the current war are doing their utmost to utilise any national and revolutionary movement in the enemy camp: the Germans utilise the Irish rebellion, the French, the Czech movement, etc. They are acting quite correctly from their own point of view. A serious war would not be treated seriously if advantage were not taken of the enemy’s slightest weakness and if every opportunity that presented itself were not seized upon, the more so, since it is impossible to know beforehand at what moment, where, and with what force some powder magazine will ‘explode’. We would be very poor revolutionaries if, in the proletariat’s great war of liberation for socialism, we did not know how to utilise every popular movement against every single disaster imperialism brings in order to intensify and extend the crisis. If we were, on the one hand, to repeat in a thousand keys the declaration that we are ‘opposed’ to all national oppression and, on the other, to describe the heroic revolt of the most mobile and enlightened section of certain classes in an oppressed nation against its oppressors as a ‘putsch’, we should be sinking to the same level as the Kautskyites.
It is the misfortune of the Irish that they rose prematurely, before the European revolt of the proletariat had had time to mature. Capitalism is not so harmoniously built that the various sources of rebellion can immediately merge of their own accord, without reverses and defeats. On the other hand, the very fact that revolts do break out at different times, in different places, and are of different kinds, guarantees wide scope and depth to the general movement; but it is only in premature, individual, sporadic and therefore unsuccessful, revolutionary movements that the masses gain experience, acquire knowledge, gather strength, and get to know their real leaders, the socialist proletarians, and in this way prepare for the general onslaught, just as certain strikes, demonstrations, local and national, mutinies in the army, outbreaks among the peasantry, etc, prepared the way for the general onslaught in 1905.