Labour’s new attack on local government

Local government reorganisation is being presented by ministers and council leaders as a rational, modernising reform – a necessary step to “streamline services”, “drive efficiencies” and create “strategic authorities fit for the future”. In reality this poses one of the most serious threats to local democracy, jobs, pay and public services in a generation. For working-class communities and council workers alike, local government reorganisation risks becoming austerity by another name.

Since 2010, local government has been at the sharp end of austerity. Funding cuts imposed by successive governments have hollowed out services. Around a million local government jobs have gone. Youth services, libraries, social care provision, environmental health, planning departments and neighbourhood services have all been slashed to the bone.

Even before reorganisation, many councils were already in deep financial crisis. Section 114 notices – effectively declarations of insolvency – have become increasingly common. In some cases, elected councillors have handed control to unelected commissioners, often on upwards of £1,000 per day, tasked with forcing through ‘difficult decisions’. Those ‘difficult decisions’ invariably mean job losses, service closures and attacks on terms and conditions. Now, instead of restoring funding, the Labour government is pushing structural reorganisation.

Local government reorganisation involves the merging of councils into larger unitary authorities, often combined with the expansion of mayoral or combined authority structures. District and county councils are dissolved and replaced with single-tier authorities covering larger geographic areas. In theory, this eliminates duplication and reduces administrative overheads. But there is no neutral way to reorganise an underfunded system. When funding is inadequate, ‘efficiency’ becomes a euphemism for cuts.

Reorganisation is being rolled out in a context where councils are already struggling to maintain statutory services. The result is predictable: reorganisations driven by financial crisis tend to focus on cost reduction rather than democratic renewal or service improvement.

Reorganisation typically means restructuring. Restructuring means redundancies, downgraded roles, harmonisation of contracts – often downwards – and management-driven ‘transformation’ programmes.

Workers are told that economies of scale will protect frontline services. In practice, experience shows that back-office functions are centralised, local knowledge is lost, and workloads intensify. Remaining staff are expected to ‘do more with less’ across larger territories and increasingly complex organisational structures.

Pay remains another central issue. Local government workers are still suffering from more than a decade of below-inflation pay settlements. In real terms, many are significantly worse off than they were in 2010. Reorganisation offers no solution to this – and may in fact weaken collective bargaining power if structures fragment workforce organisation. It therefore represents not simply a structural shift but a material threat to pay, jobs and working conditions.

Beyond the workforce, local government reorganisation poses serious democratic questions. Larger authorities mean councillors representing far bigger populations. Decision-making becomes more remote. Communities that once had a district council chamber within reasonable distance may find decisions are now taken many miles away. The expansion of mayoral and combined authority models concentrates power further. While proponents argue this brings ‘strategic leadership’, it can also sideline collective decision-making and weaken scrutiny. Local government, already battered by cuts, will become less local and less democratic.

The crisis in Birmingham illustrates the wider dangers. Birmingham City Council’s financial collapse – rooted in long-term underfunding as well as equal pay liabilities – has led to deep cuts and restructuring. In the bin workers’ dispute, the Labour council leadership moved to implement restructuring plans that workers argued would undermine pay and conditions.

Rather than positioning itself as a champion of its workforce and demanding emergency funding from central government, the council leadership pursued a course framed around ‘financial necessity’. The result was escalation and confrontation. This dispute highlights a key political problem. When councils accept the logic that there is ‘no alternative’ to cuts, they end up managing austerity – even when that means clashing with their own workforce.

Reorganisation risks multiplying this dynamic. Larger authorities inheriting historic debts and structural deficits may feel even more compelled to impose sweeping ‘savings’ programmes in the name of stabilisation.

With a Labour government in Westminster some council workers and communities hoped for a decisive break with austerity. But without sustained pressure from trade unions and the community, there is a danger that fiscal caution will prevail. If national policy remains constrained by self-imposed spending limits, local authorities will continue to operate within tight funding envelopes – regardless of structural reform. Reorganisation without reinvestment will not resolve the underlying crisis.

The trade unions must therefore insist on a different starting point: full and sustainable funding for local government, restoration of grants cut since 2010, and a serious national pay settlement that begins to reverse lost real wages. Structural questions should be subordinate to funding and democratic accountability – not a substitute for them.

For trade unions across local government, Unison, Unite and the GMB, local government reorganisation presents both a challenge and a test. A fragmented response will leave workers vulnerable to piecemeal restructures and localised disputes. What is required is coordination: shared organising strategies, joint campaigns around funding, and national opposition to job-cutting reorganisations.

Branches facing merger-related restructures need support from the national union leadership, not isolation. Lessons must be drawn from disputes where workers have resisted downgrading or redundancies. Best practice in organising, communication and ballot preparation must be shared systematically.

At the same time, unions should advance a political argument. Councils, particularly Labour-led ones, should refuse to implement cuts budgets. They should instead mobilise communities alongside workers to demand emergency funding from central government. This would represent a clear break from the politics of managed decline.

Supporters of reorganisation often argue that larger authorities will be more resilient and better placed to plan strategically for housing, transport and economic development. These goals are legitimate. But without democratic control and adequate funding, structural scale alone delivers little. Bigger councils can still be broke councils.

The real question is –  who is reorganisation for? If it is designed to reassure financial markets, streamline management structures and deliver short-term savings, then it will deepen the crisis of local services. If, however, it were embedded within a programme of massive public investment, democratic renewal and workforce empowerment, its character would be fundamentally different. It’s evident that this is not the kind of transformative agenda being pursued.

Local government stands at a crossroads. After fifteen years of austerity, workers are exhausted and communities are frustrated. Trust in political institutions is fragile. Reorganisation implemented in a context of scarcity will accelerate disillusionment. It will weaken local accountability, intensify pressure on staff, and entrench a culture in which cuts are presented as inevitable.

But there is another possibility. If workers organise collectively across reorganising authorities; if unions coordinate industrial and political campaigns; if councillors are pressed to reject the logic of austerity; and if a national movement demands the full funding local government requires – then local government reorganisation could become a flashpoint that galvanises resistance rather than consolidates decline.

The future of local government should not be determined by accountancy exercises and management consultants. It should be shaped by the needs of working-class communities and the workers who provide public services. Without funding, democracy and decent pay, reorganisation offers nothing but consolidation of austerity.

The threat posed by local government reorganisation is therefore not simply administrative. It is political. It goes to the heart of whether local government exists to manage scarcity – or to meet social need. That question will not be resolved in Whitehall briefing papers. It will be decided through struggle.

Paul Couchman